Under these circumstances, as a depositary of the executive authority of the nation, I do not feel at liberty to unite with Congress in reversing it by giving my approval to the bill.

The subject was long and earnestly debated in the Senate, and the early construction of the Constitution was, nevertheless, freely accepted as binding and conclusive upon Congress.

The power of removal was incident to that duty, and might often be requisite to fulfill it.

I am unable to give it my assent, for reasons so grave that I hope a statement of them may have some influence on the minds of the patriotic and enlightened men with whom the decision must ultimately rest.

For these reasons I return the bill to the Senate, in which House it originated, for the further consideration of Congress which the Constitution prescribes.

As the nature of government requires the power of removal, it was maintained that it should be exercised in this way by the hand capable of exerting itself with effect.

It should induce us to pause in a course of legislation which, looking solely to the attainment of political ends, fails to consider the rights it transgresses, the law which it violates, or the institutions which it imperils.

It places at his free disposal all the lands and goods in his district, and he may distribute them without let or hindrance to whom he pleases.

It reduces the whole population of the ten States--all persons, of every color, sex, and condition, and every stranger within their limits--to the most abject and degrading slavery.

I submit to Congress whether this measure is not in its whole character, scope, and object without precedent and without authority.

I transmit herewith a communication from the Secretary of the Navy,

I transmit to the Senate, with a view to ratification, a general convention of amity, commerce, and navigation and for the surrender of fugitive criminals between the United States and the Dominican Republic,