Bob Menendez

The Iran Sanctions Act that I authored with others, it needs to be reauthorized now.

I understand the difference between call upon and shall. And there is a fundamental difference.

If we believe it is prohibited, why do we not use the word violation?

If we wanted to pull no punches and make it very clear that instead of sanctioning individuals, which is like playing whack-a-mole, we would sanction financial institutions that are helping to finance the ballistic missiles and other…

We are concerned by it. We are appalled, in some instances, by it.

Why are we, for example, knowing that resources, whatever amount it is, is in part going to fund these very activities that we acknowledge collectively is against our national interests?

I do not understand when the President himself in remarks this week said that while Iran may have followed the letter of the agreement, they have not followed the spirit...

I am seriously concerned. I was at a meeting, but I had the TV on and listened to your answers...

I do not think there is any question that Russia and China, by virtue of the Syrian conflict, but also what China is doing right now relative to selling arms, actually view Iran as an ally.

I think it was wise of you to point out that we need to continue to work with our European, quote, allies relative to Iran.

In the reality of Russia's bombing having succeeded for the purposes of strengthening Assad, Iran seems to be pretty linked with Russia maybe for different purposes, but pretty linked with Russia in their end goal for Syria.

Certainly the IAEA is an intelligence body. And so everything we hoped for in the implementation of the accords is going to have a big intelligence element to make sure it takes place.

Do you not think it is fair... to have the Iranians either pay or at least contribute to the IAEA's budget?

If we are going to have the potential to snap back to something, you have to have something in place.

It is in the longer process where they can realize their goals just by following the outline and the framework of the JCPOA.

I hope any time there is something like this we get our colleagues to put a resolution on the table and put it on the table in the light of day backed up by a clear U.N. Security Council report.

There has got to be consequences but we have to be very precise in the consequences that we use because we do not want our actions to undermine legitimate political opposition.

If we are very passive about the JCPOA enforcement and just look the other way, the Iranians will just look the other way and do whatever they want.

If we allow them to continue to test us without consequence, believe me that they will continue to expand.

I am going to seek its reauthorization because you have to snap back to something.

But, Ambassador, these are nonnuclear actions. Let us put the nuclear portfolio aside. If Iran continues to violate nonnuclear actions that are in violation of U.N. Security Council resolutions, in violation of what Secretary Kerry said…

If those sanctions no longer exist and if you are saying they are the most sanctioned country in the world, I assume that you are referring to their nonnuclear sanctions. So then what is left to do? Basically to let Iran violate without…

Is the administration ready to act and find its own set of actions so that Iran understands the consequences for violating the international order?

We have seen not one but two missile tests. And we have seen an interdiction of arms shipments off of Oman.

Secretary Kerry was adamant that they could not continue to test missiles even after this agreement was put in place.