I am among the number who would be extremely ungrateful for the grant of a bad peace.

Our true policy was admirably summed up by Jay in his letters to Livingston, where he says: "Let us be honest and grateful to France, but let us think for ourselves....

The one great reason for our having succeeded as no other people ever has, is to be found in that common sense which has enabled us to preserve the largest possible individual freedom on the one hand, while showing an equally remarkable…

We have committed plenty of faults, but we have seen and remedied them.

We are yet in but the seeding-time of national prosperity, and it will be well not to mortgage the crop before it is gathered....

He said: "The new judiciary bill may have, and doubtless has, many little faults, but it answers the double purpose of bringing justice near to men's doors, and of giving additional fibre to the root of government.

Compare the uninterrupted warmth and splendor of America, from the first of May to the last of September, and her autumn, truly celestial, with your shivering June, your July and August sometimes warm but often wet, your uncertain…

Compare these things, and then say how a man who prizes the charm of Nature can think of making the exchange.

If you were to pass one autumn with us, you would not give it for the best six months to be found in any other country....

He thoroughly appreciated the marvelous future that lay before the race on this continent.

It is well indeed for our land that we of this generation have at last learned to think nationally, and, no matter in what state we live, to view our whole country with the pride of personal possession.

Let us forget party and think of our country.

We must endeavor, therefore, to save and benefit both.

This cannot be effected while political delusions array good men against each other.

If you abandon the contest, the voice of reason, now drowned in factious vociferation, will be listened to and heard.

The trouble is in the confusion of ideas which results in trying to apply the same principle to two totally different classes of cases.

Such a State is absolutely competent to preserve order within its own bounds, to execute substantial justice, and to secure the rights of foreigners.

In such a State the people themselves guarantee stability, order, liberty, and protection for the rights of others.

The needs of civilization and humanity are sufficiently met by protecting them from outside aggression.

There is no analogy at all with what occurs in a community unable to keep elementary order, or to secure elementary justice within its own borders, and unable or unwilling to do justice to foreign nations.

Any arrangement which had guaranteed Algeria against the French, or Turkestan against the Russians, or the Sudan against the English, or Panama against the Americans, would have been an arrangement against the interests of humanity and…

Moreover, if there must be interference for the sake of the country itself, to promote its growth in order and civilization, actual experience has shown that such interference can only come efficiently by one nation, and not by many.

Americans forget, for instance, that we have actually tried this system and found it completely wanting, in the case of Samoa.

In the case of the Philippines, there were just two things that we could do which would have been worse than leaving them under Spanish rule.

Until the American people themselves become more National and less local, until constituencies cease to regard their Congressmen as solicitors at the National Treasury, Congress will continue to enact iniquitous groups of local favors into…