James Blaine

Tilden unquestionably ranks among the greatest masters of political management that our day has seen.

He sought to captivate the popular imagination with a striking thought, and he supported it with the most minute and systematic work.

Tilden was not indeed a leader of the same class with these masters who so long a period shaped the whole thought and policy of their party, but he displayed political capacity of a very high order.

He evinced a power of leadership which no man in his party could rival.

He embodied the one thought which expressed the discontent with Republicanism and the hope of the Democracy.

He understood better than any other man the art of appropriating to himself the credit of events which would have come to pass without his agency, and of reforms already planned by his political opponents.

It would be unjust to deny to him the merit of resisting the canal extortionists and hastening their extinction, but it would be equally untrue not to say that in the work of the reformer he did not forget the shrewd calculations of the…

It was loaded down with its odious war record; it was divided on fiscal questions; it had fought a losing battle for twelve years on the defensive; and if it was to struggle with any hope it must discover a line on which it could boldly…

He had the sagacity to perceive that in order to gain any solid foothold in the country the Democratic party needed to cut loose from its discredited past and secure a new rallying-cry.

Starting out deliberately for the Presidential nomination, his plan embraced three leading features: his stepping stone was the governorship, his shibboleth was administrative reform, his method was organization to a degree which has never…

He moulded the conditions which suited his designs, and when the hour was come he assumed the command as of divine right.

The sceptre of power in the Democratic party did not drop into his hands; he seized it, and wielded it at his own will.

He was the conscious and masterful creator of his position.

But both were regarded as able, judicious, and prudent men, and they steadily grew in public favor as the contest waxed warm.

The Protective policy was upheld; the extirpation of polygamy was demanded; and an investigation into the Chinese question, then beginning to distract California, was recommended.

The platform reported to the Convention was clear and emphatic upon the leading issues.

His ability, his party devotion, his fearless services as the War Governor of a State which was disturbed with tumult and sedition, his conspicuous part in the Reconstruction contests in the Senate, all marked him as entitled to great…

The war and reconstruction periods were receding, and with the lessening stress of their demands, the popular conviction of the necessity of Republican rule was losing much of its force.

For the first time since its original success, the power of the Republican party had been seriously broken in 1874.

He is fair-minded towards his political opponents, generous to his friends, makes no compromise with enemies, never neglects his public duties, and never forgets the interests of the Democratic party.

In short, as the leaders of the Democracy viewed it, the Resumption Act, passed over their combined vote, could do them no harm, while the chances were that it would inure to their advantage.

Benefits as they well knew are soon forgotten, while injuries are tenaciously remembered; and this they believed was as true of parties as of persons.

If on the other hand it should prove unsuccessful, it would remain a standing reproach to the financial policy of the Republican party.

But public necessity and party interest combined to induce a sacrifice of financial theories in order that practical results might be achieved.

The country looked to Congress for relief, and yet did not agree upon any measures of relief.