Every law put upon the statute-book by our fathers, with a view of carrying out the provisions of the Constitution, or in pursuance of the spirit of the union between the States, I regret to see wiped out; but we have witnessed it, and I…

It seems to me this Congress will do wrong to itself, wrong to the country, wrong to history, wrong to the national cause, if it separates without clearing the statute-book of every support of Slavery.

Provided, That in the courts of the United States there shall be no exclusion of any witness on account of color.

The counterfeiter, surrounded by colored accomplices, may mock your laws.

But admit the testimony of these accomplices, and then will justice be done.

But the hardship and absurdity of this rule, apparent in the case of a counterfeiter surrounded by colored accomplices, arise in every other case of crime.

How justice can be administered, where such a rule prevails, I am at a loss to understand.

Now that Slavery is disappearing, this rule ought to disappear also.

I address thee as friend, although having no personal acquaintance, but have long known thee by reputation as a friend to the human race.

We have in Convention abolished slavery in the organic law of the State, and it would at first sight seem as if our fondest hopes were realized.

But another difficulty now stares us in the face, which, in the present state of public opinion, we cannot conquer: I allude to the subject of allowing the freedmen to give testimony in our courts.

This will not be allowed, where the interests of whites are involved.

The result that will follow any one can foresee,--that their persons and property will be at the mercy of every vagabond who may happen to have a black heart instead of a black skin.

My object in writing was to make thee acquainted with the probable future position of these people, thinking it might be possible to ameliorate their condition by some Federal legislation.

While I speak of Virginia, I have no doubt but that the same will be true of the whole South, and will be a gigantic evil that may lead to the most disastrous results.

The negro, after this war, will not be the same man as before: breathing the air of freedom, trained to arms, understanding the power of combination, and familiar with blood, it will be tampering with a volcano to deny him protection of…

You will therefore see the necessity of a speedy change of the law, corresponding to the change which has taken place in the condition of the freedmen.

The laws of the Colonies are said to be humane; but by those laws a child of five or six years old may receive, for a slight offence or for no offence, at the caprice of the master or overseer, no less than thirty-nine lashes with what is…

But even in cases where the law conveys no authority, where wanton cruelty is inflicted in defiance of the law, how easy it must be to escape detection, when the testimony of a negro, or a thousand negroes, would not avail against a white…

I ask attention plainly and directly to the practical failure of justice which must arise without its adoption.

If colored persons cannot testify against white persons, what protection can they have against outrage?

The white person may perpetrate any brutality upon colored persons with impunity.

There is nothing in the dreary catalogue of crime, from a simple assault to murder itself, which may not be committed with impunity by a white person, if no other white person be present.

Surely at this moment there should be no delay in preventing such failure of justice.

Let a white person be assaulted, or murdered, if you please, by another white person, but only in the presence of colored persons, and justice cannot be administered.