For years Slavery has been claiming guaranties in States and Territories, and these chambers have echoed to the hoarse, inhuman cry.
Charles Sumner
The Public Record
Charles Sumner was an American lawyer and statesman who represented Massachusetts in the United States Senate from 1851 until his death in 1874. Before and during the American Civil War, he was a leading American advocate for the abolition of slavery, and after the war he was a key figure in the Reconstruction era, during which he and other Radical Republicans successfully fought to end slavery and ensure basic rights for Black Americans. He continued advocating for racial equality until his death, lobbying in his final days for a civil rights bill that served as a model for the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Historians credit Sumner with coining the phrase "equality before the law," which he first used as part of an early attempt to integrate Boston's public school system.
At last another voice begins to prevail, ascending from basement to cupola, filling chamber and dome with diviner echo: it is the voice of Freedom claiming guaranties.
Arkansas must stay away, until she can be received in both Houses, and be recognized as a unit, not as a fraction; but no power short of Congress can assure this equal reception in both Houses.
Under this article of the Constitution, it rests with Congress to decide what government is the established one in a State.
For, as the United States guaranty to each State a republican government, Congress must necessarily decide what government is established in the State, before it can determine whether it is republican or not.
And when the Senators and Representatives of a State are admitted into the councils of the Union, the authority of the government under which they are appointed, as well as its republican character, is recognized by the proper…
In Arkansas a republican government has been overthrown by rebellion.
Congress, and not the President, must decide when the restoration has taken place.
At all events, the Proclamation, by repeated assumptions with regard to the Rebel States, testifies to the necessity of Congressional action.
The necessity of the case, reason, the authority of the Supreme Court, the Constitution, and the President’s Proclamation, each and all, tend to the same conclusion, even without resorting to those war powers which are all within the reach…
And these powers, vast as they are, when called into activity by the exigency of war or rebellion, become as constitutional as if specified precisely in a written text.
President, there is a saying of Antiquity applicable to this question: Make haste slowly.
Do not fail to make haste; but let your haste be governed by wisdom and prudence.
In making haste, do not sacrifice all safeguards for the future.
And this caution is needed, not only for the good of the Union, but for the good of the State itself, which must be saved from premature responsibilities beyond the measure of its present powers.
To be admitted into such prerogatives and privileges, a State must be “above suspicion,” and it must be able to use well all the great powers belonging to the State.
But if a State is not yet “above suspicion,” and is not strong enough to stand alone, even against domestic disturbers, it cannot expect immediate recognition.
It must wait yet a little longer, until, restored at last in character and in strength, it can do all the duties of a State, and with master-hand grasp that Ulyssean bow which pretenders strive in vain to bend.
President, I conclude as I began, with my heart’s gratitude to those brave citizens who again in Arkansas lift the national banner.
Their country is with them in all their perils and all their efforts, longing to receive them again into ancient fellowship and equality; but the time for this welcome has not yet come.
Meanwhile let them remember that “they also serve who only stand and wait.
Here I repeat, Sir, what I have said very often on this floor since the Rebellion began, that there is one rule which I always follow, and, by the blessing of God, will follow to the end.
It is this: show me how I can best contribute to the resources of my country, enabling it to reach the end we all desire, and I shall vote for it.
Show me how I can most surely secure means to carry on the war and obtain its successful close, and I shall vote for it.
If, therefore, by a tax at seventy cents I can promise a larger income than by a tax at sixty cents, I shall vote for seventy cents.





