Therefore, for the administration of justice, that it may not fail to the colored person, and then again that it may not fail to the white person, there should be no exclusion of any citizens on account of color.

Let the witness always be admitted to testify, leaving the jury to be judges of his credibility.

If his story seems improbable, or there be anything in his manner, conduct, or past life to excite distrust, the jury will be able to measure the just weight of his testimony.

Surely, Congress will not adjourn without redressing this grievance.

The king, in Magna Charta, promised that he would deny justice to no one.

I believe it is always time for an act of justice, and I think this Congress ought not to separate without this act of justice.

The Senator cannot vote against what I now offer; it is neither more nor less than this: to recognize as a statute the Proclamation of Emancipation, putting it under the guaranty and safeguard of an Act of Congress.

It is impossible for any person recognizing the Proclamation of Emancipation, or disposed to stand by it, to vote against the amendment I now offer.

We are assured that the Proclamation will not be changed; but who knows what may be the vicissitudes of elections?

I would make the present sure, and fix it forevermore and immortal in an Act of Congress.

And my present object is to bring Emancipation under the rule of Congress, so that it shall no longer depend on the Proclamation of the President.

I am unwilling that Emancipation shall depend upon the will of any one man, be he Senator or President.

If I could, I would place it at once under the shield of the Constitution; but that failing, let me place it under that other safeguard, an Act of Congress.

Let us will it, and it can be done; and I do entreat the Senator from Missouri, who I know is pledged so strenuously to the cause of Emancipation, not to fail it at this hour.

I do not think there can be any just constitutional objection; and I am sure that the association, if once organized, would give opportunities of activity and of influence important to the literature of the country.

If earlier Congresses, having less to do, infinitely less, than the present Congress, have found it necessary to continue their sessions through the summer, it is not improper to ask if we should be less industrious and less persevering.

It appears, that, while the pretensions of Slavery were to be upheld, Congress was willing to give up the whole summer, even into autumn, to the odious theme.

For the sake of an execrable Fugitive Slave Act, and other kindred measures, it bore all these heats, now so insupportable.

Business did not draw them away, heat did not drive them away, when Slavery was in question.

But Freedom in every form is now in question.

There, too, are the great ideas of Freedom involved in this war.

But it is not too late for the Senate to yield, especially when the necessity for more money is apparent, and the late distinguished head of the Treasury has in a formal communication recommended this very tax.

There is no way in which so much money can be had so easily and so justly.

Let Congress stay together until the tax is laid.

But if you are unwilling to tax whiskey on hand, or tobacco, then find something else to tax.