It may be proper to set up military governors for a conquered country beyond our civil jurisdiction, and yet it may be questionable if we should undertake to set up such governors in States that we all claim to be within our civil…

Undertaking to create military governors of States, we reverse the policy of the Republic, as solemnly declared by Jefferson, and subject the civil to the military authority.

If this has been done in patriotic ardor, without due consideration, in a moment of error or alarm, it only remains, that, according to Jefferson, we should “hasten to retrace our steps, and to regain the road which alone leads to peace…

To govern according to law may sometimes be an usurper’s wish, but can seldom be in his power.

The conduct of at least one of our military magistrates seems to have been a counterpart to that of these “bashaws” of Cromwell; and there is no argument against that early military despotism which may not be urged against any attempt to…

It is clear that these military magistrates are without direct sanction in the Constitution or existing laws.

In short, if a new government is to be supplied, it should be by Congress rather than by the President, and it should be according to established law rather than according to the mere will of any functionary, to the end that ours may be “a…

There is no argument for military governors which is not equally strong for Congressional governments, while the latter have in their favor two controlling considerations: first, that they proceed from the civil rather than the military…

Even if provisional governments by Congress are unconstitutional, it does not follow that military governments, without the sanction of Congress, can be constitutional.

But, on the other hand, I cannot doubt, that, if military governments are constitutional, then surely the provisional governments by Congress must be so also.

In truth, there can be no opening for military governments which is not also an opening for Congressional governments, with this great advantage for the latter, that they are in harmony with our institutions, which favor the civil rather…

Thus declaring deliberate preference for Congressional governments, I am sustained by obvious reason.

Though the Constitution vests the executive power in the President, and declares him to be commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States, these powers must necessarily be subordinate to the legislative power in Congress.

A State in the full enjoyment of its rights would spurn a military governor or a Congressional governor.

It would insist that its governor should be neither military nor Congressional, but such as its own people chose to elect; and nobody would question this right.

The occasion, then, for the exercise of this extraordinary power is found in the Rebellion.

Without the Rebellion there would be no talk of any governor, whether military or Congressional.

To this end we must understand the relations between the States and the National Government, under the Constitution of the United States.

Never, through any word or act of mine, shall those rights be impaired; nor shall any of those other rights be called in question by which the States are held in harmonious relations as well with each other as with the Union.

But, while thus strenuous for all that justly belongs to the States, I cannot concede to them immunities inconsistent with that Constitution which is the supreme law of the land; nor can I admit the impeccability of a State.

From a period even anterior to the National Constitution, there has been a perverse pretension of State Rights, which has perpetually interfered with the unity of our Government.

Throughout the Revolution this pretension was a check upon the powers of Congress, whether in respect to armies or finances, so that it was too often constrained to content itself with the language of advice or persuasion rather than of…

It is obviously impracticable, in the Federal Government of these States, to secure all rights of independent sovereignty to each, and yet provide for the interest and safety of all.

Slavery is so odious that it can exist only by virtue of positive law, plain and unequivocal; but no such words can be found in the Constitution; therefore Slavery is impossible within the exclusive jurisdiction of the National Government.

Let us at all hazards prevent the extension of Slavery and the increase of the Slave Power.