Political Quotes

John Sherman

The Public Record

John Sherman was an American politician from Ohio who served in federal office throughout the Civil War and into the late nineteenth century. A member of the Republican Party, he served in both houses of the U.S. Congress. He also served as Secretary of the Treasury and Secretary of State. Sherman sought the Republican presidential nomination three times, coming closest in 1888, but was never chosen by the party. Between 1861 and 1897, John Sherman served in the U.S. Senate for nearly 32 years and holds the record for longest serving senator from the state of Ohio.

Our differences will not permit our people to wait further adjustment when they are in a death struggle with poverty and wretchedness.

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We are very nearly out of the woods now, and if you will add the free coinage of silver on equal terms with gold, and will cause the treasury of the United States to coin the silver that is there on the same terms that it does gold, I…

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I do not regard the bill for the free coinage of silver as a party measure or a political measure upon which parties are likely to divide.

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No question before the Senate of the United States at this session is at all to be compared with it in the importance of its effects upon the business interests of the country.

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Everybody is deeply interested in the standard of value by which we measure all the productions of the labor and all the wealth of mankind.

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I, representing a state nearly central in population, have tested the sense of the people of Ohio, and they, I believe, are by a great majority, not only of the party to which I belong but of the Democratic party, opposed to the free…

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They believe that that will degrade the money of our country, reduce its purchasing power fully one-third, destroy the bi-metallic system which we have maintained for a long period of time, and reduce us to a single monometallic standard…

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I look upon the introduction of Chinese laborers through Canada as not only an insult to our country, but it seems to me an almost designed insult by the Canadian authorities to allow a class of people who are forbidden by our laws to come…

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This inaugurates in our system of government a new departure, one I believe never before practiced, although it was suggested in conference that some such rules had been adopted in the old slavery times to secure the peaceful and quiet…

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I care nothing about the exclusion of Chinese laborers from our country, because I believe their habits are inconsistent with our civilization, and, as soon as we can get rid of them properly, according to the treaty, I am willing to do so.

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The question is now whether, in the fact of the language of the treaty of 1880, it is our right--not our power, but our right according to the treaty--to make this exceptional legislation for people who are now here under existing law.

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We have agreed by this treaty not only that we would not discriminate against them in our legislation, but that we would permit these laborers to remain in the position of persons 'of the most favored nation.' . . .

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When cheapness comes by discoveries, by inventions, or by new industrial processes, the people ought to share in those benefits, but as a rule mere cheapness of things is not a benefit to the people of the United States, especially when…

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When the wheat of a farmer is worth only fifty cents a bushel or his cotton only seven cents a pound it is to him a calamity, not an object of desire but a misfortune.

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I insisted that the magnitude of domestic production and the opportunities to labor were matters of greater importance than the prices of commodities.

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If our needs can be supplied by American labor it is a mutual advantage to both the laborer and producer.

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The larger the product of American labor the greater is the wealth and comfort of American citizens.

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If American labor is actively employed there can be no difficulty in the laborer obtaining the necessaries of life.

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The platform upon which he was elected was "That an adequate protection to American industry is indispensable to the prosperity of this country; and that an abandonment of the policy at this period would be attended with consequences…

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I insisted that the object of protection--the employment of American labor--was of more importance than the price of food or clothing, though I believed, with Mr.

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My object has always been to seek to advance the interests of American workingmen in all kinds of industries, whether mechanical, agricultural, scientific or otherwise.

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Whether the cost of the necessities are increased or diminished by this policy is a matter of comparative indifference, so that the people are employed at fair wages in making or producing all the articles that can be profitably produced…

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Whenever tariff duties are levied at a higher rate than sufficient to compensate our laboring men in the different rates of wages they are fairly entitled to receive, then I am against the tariff act.

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You have gone through all these years of public life without a stain upon your honored name.

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The recent election in Ohio demonstrated the honor in which you are held by the people of your state.

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Politicians like John Sherman