John Sherman

I ask you, as the representative of a brave people, what shall we do?

There is no doubt that Baton Rouge has been seized; no doubt, sir, that act after act of war has been repeated.

No one doubts, I suppose, that the forts at the mouth of the Mississippi are in the possession, not of the troops of the United States, but troops that will resist the troops of the United States.

It is, that the Mississippi River, gathering all the rivulets of the northwest into one current, must be permitted to float our commerce, uninterrupted and untrammeled, to the sea, or thousands of men will float down upon its waters and…

I agree with all my colleagues from the State of Ohio, from both sides of the House, that there is one thing immutable--a law that is a higher law.

Forts, arsenals, navy yards, and vessels of war, intrusted without defense to the patriotism of the people, have, upon one pretext or another, been seized, and are now held by lawless force.

This government had been more forbearing, more quiet, more complacent, under this series of offenses, than any government instituted since the foundation of governments.

It was not an act of war against you and me merely, but against every loyal and patriotic citizen of this great republic.

An act of war by citizens of the United States, and therefore an act of treason, was applauded by officers and citizens of that state, and perhaps by those of other states.

Forts ceded by the State of South Carolina to the United States were used to expel a vessel of the United States in the pursuit of its lawful commerce.

In this act of war, they used the cannon and munitions of war paid for out of our treasury.

It is our duty, as the representatives of this government, to maintain and defend it in the exercise of its just powers.

It is supreme within the powers delegated to it; and it is provided with ample authority to protect itself against foreign or domestic enemies.

But, sir, we have a government, a great government, to maintain.

If by this he means that the army should not be used to conquer a state, to compel her to be represented, to maintain the courts or post offices within her limits, to burn her cities or desolate her fields, he is entirely correct.

Much that he has said I approve; but it seems to me that instead of appealing to this side of the House for conciliation, kindness and forbearance, he should appeal to those around him, who alone, provoke the excitement now prevailing in…

No expectation or hope was indulged in that the President would do any act or say any word to arrest or delay the flagrant treason, then being committed in South Carolina.

This doctrine, if acquiesced in, would leave the United States utterly powerless to preserve its own life, whatever might be the exigencies, even against the most insignificant state in the Union.

Congress possesses many means of preserving it by conciliation; but the sword was not placed in their hand to preserve it by force.

If it cannot live in the affections of the people it must one day perish.

The fact is, that our Union rests upon public opinion, and can never be cemented by the blood of its citizens shed in civil war.

Without descending to particulars, it may be safely asserted that the power to make war against a state is at variance with the whole spirit and intent of the constitution. . . .

It is manifest, upon an inspection of the constitution, that this is not among the specific and enumerated powers granted to Congress; and it is equally apparent that its exercise is not 'necessary and proper for carrying into execution'…

After much serious reflection, I have arrived at the conclusion that no such power has been delegated to Congress nor to any other department of the federal government.

The answer to this question is a most painful confession of feebleness, vacillation and dishonor.