People of different nations learn to respect each other as they find that their differences are the effect of social and local custom, not founded upon good reasons.
John Sherman
The Public Record
John Sherman was an American politician from Ohio who served in federal office throughout the Civil War and into the late nineteenth century. A member of the Republican Party, he served in both houses of the U.S. Congress. He also served as Secretary of the Treasury and Secretary of State. Sherman sought the Republican presidential nomination three times, coming closest in 1888, but was never chosen by the party. Between 1861 and 1897, John Sherman served in the U.S. Senate for nearly 32 years and holds the record for longest serving senator from the state of Ohio.
I trust that the industrial commission will enable the world to compute the value of all productions by the same standard, to measure by the same yard or meter, and weigh by the same scales.
It is strange, indeed, to see American newspapers eagerly maintaining the inviolability of the 'pound sterling,' when it has become entirely evident that the great monetary struggle of the future must lie between the British pound and the…
It is apparent that the chief cause of the fall of the market value of silver is its increased production.
The law of supply and demand regulates value.
If the supply is in excess of demand the price will fall, in spite of legislation.
This decision of the House of Representatives against an impeachment on the charges then made was entirely justified.
This imposing process was not authorized for misconduct, immorality, intoxication or neglect of duties, such as were alleged in the report of the committee, but only for high crimes or misdemeanors.
The House properly made this distinction, and here the accusations against the President would have ended, but for his attempt, in violation of the constitution and law, to place General Lorenzo Thomas in an important office without the…
I do think that it is best for all hands that his administration be allowed to run out its course without threatened or attempted violence.
Whoever begins violent proceedings will lose in the long run.
Johnson is not a man of action but of theory, and so long as your party is in doubt as to the true mode of procedure, it would be at great risk that an attempt be made to displease the President by a simple law of Congress.
This is more a question of prejudice than principle, but a voter has as much right to his prejudices as to his vote. . . .
The great error of his life was in not acquiescing in and supporting the 14th amendment of the constitution in the 39th Congress.
Now I see nothing short of universal suffrage and universal amnesty as the basis.
If you can keep free from committals to Johnson, you will surely as you live be called upon to act as President.
The danger now is that the mistakes of the Republicans may drift the Democratic party into power.
Whereas in the west we made progress from the start, because there was no political capital near enough to poison our minds and kindle into light that craving itching for fame which has killed more good men than battles.
If this political atmosphere can disturb the equanimity of one so guarded and so prudent as he is, what will be the result with one so careless, so outspoken, as I am?
As the holder of a civil office, having the supervision of money appropriated by Congress, and of contracts for army supplies, I do think Congress, or the Senate by delegation from Congress, has a lawful right to be consulted.
Our relations have always been most confidential and friendly, and if, unhappily, any cloud of difficulty should arise between us, my sense of personal dignity and duty would leave me no alternative but resignation.
The result would be certain conflict, resulting in Grant's violent deposition, mine, or the President's.
If Grant intends to run for President I should be willing to come on, because my duties would then be so clearly defined that I think I could steer clear of the breakers--but now it would be impossible.
If the President forces me into a false position out of seeming favor, I must defend myself.
Oppose confirmation of myself as brevet general on ground that it is unprecedented, and that it is better not to extend the system of brevets above major general.





