What the struggle between Stalwarts and Half Breeds was to our own time, the struggle between Clinton and Tompkins was to our ancestors of two and three generations ago.
De Alexander
The Public Record
De Alva Stanwood Alexander was an American journalist, lawyer, historian, and member of the United States House of Representatives, serving seven terms from 1897 to 1911 as a representative of New York state.
Although he often changed his associates, like Lord Shaftesbury, he never changed his purposes.
It used to be said that Tompkins made more friends in refusing favours than Clinton did in granting them.
A dullard could read his character at a glance.
Tompkins, on the contrary, carried the tenderness of a wide humanity in his face.
The farmer boy's determined, patient preparation for public life, and his fortitude in the face of conscious disadvantages, ought also to have suggested that the young man was made of sterner stuff than the obedient Theodorus Bailey.
For three years this young judge, substituting sympathy for severity, had endeared himself to all who knew him.
The sight of the dismantled Chesapeake, with its dead and dying, aroused the people irrespective of party into demanding reparation or war.
For several years American commerce, centring chiefly in New England and New York, and occupying a neutral position toward European belligerents, had enjoyed unparalleled prosperity.
As restraints increased, the Yankee skippers became sly and cunning--risking capture, using neutral flags, and finding other subterfuges for new restrictions.
The embargo would tie up the ships to rot, throw seamen out of employment, destroy perishable commodities like breadstuffs, and paralyse trade.
But the Republicans in Congress stood firmly by the embargo, holding that if George Canning would modify the Orders in Council, which were intended to drive American commerce from the ocean, Napoleon would modify his decrees, which were…
It was not a question of avoiding sacrifices, said Governor Tompkins, in his speech to the Legislature, in January, 1808, but whether one sacrifice might not better be borne than another.
The belligerents had issued decrees regardless of our rights.
If we carried for England, France would confiscate; if for France, England would confiscate.
England exacted tribute, and insisted upon the right of search; France demanded forfeiture if we permitted search or paid tribute; between the two the world was closed to us.
He frequently allowed his fierce indignation to get the better of his tongue.
He had a gift of sarcasm that made an adversary exceedingly uncomfortable; and as he shattered the reasoning of Clinton, he exposed the imperious and domineering trimmer to ridicule and jest.
As a weapon of coercion, exclaimed Cady, embargo has been a failure--as a measure of defence it has been suicidal.
Better to lose two by seizure than the destruction of all by embargo.
Without eloquence or education, he had the full courage of his convictions and an intellectual vigour sufficient to back them.
He had proved his popularity by carrying his senatorial district in the preceding election; and he had demonstrated his ability as a debater by replying to the arguments of DeWitt Clinton with a power that comes only from wide information…
He could not be turned aside from the real issue.
Whatever or whoever had provoked the British Orders in Council, he declared, one thing was certain, those orders could not have driven American commerce from the ocean had not the embargo established British commerce in its place.
The absence of violent democratic innovations was the Constitution's remarkable feature.





