John Kerry

Well, this is something we obviously need to follow up on.

I believe we can stop Joseph Kony if we focus on it intently, and we are, in the Foreign Relations Committee, increasingly going to up our level of that focus.

Mr. Chairman, effectively ending the LRA threat requires simultaneously removing the top leadership from the battlefield and addressing the conditions that leave communities so vulnerable to predatory groups such as the LRA.

There's no country on the face of the planet that allows people as much freedom of choice and as much opportunity to go make a difference.

We are currently working with the Defense Department, the State Department, other agencies to try to figure out what we can do and how we can be more effective.

I believe international diplomacy must, therefore, focus relentlessly on bringing about a political transition and the establishment of a Syrian Government accountable to its people.

I think that the challenge of creating these safe zones is they have to genuinely be safe, and that is not a small achievement.

I think we must focus diplomatic efforts with Russia not on specific words or actions in New York, but on helping them achieve the fundamental realization that Assad faces a permanent challenge to his unaltered rule.

I do not believe militarization inevitably advantages Assad. He does not need a rhetorical justification to resort to violence.

I think where this regime is vulnerable is precisely what we learned from Egypt and Tunisia.

We will best serve their interests, as well as our own, if we work broadly with others to limit the most damaging outcomes that lay before us.

We cannot do this alone.

I truly identify with the statement that Secretary of State Clinton said yesterday that the Kofi Annan plan is the last opportunity.

Without a rapid start to a political process that will lead to meaningful change, including Assad's departure from power, there is no way forward for diplomacy to reduce human suffering and promote lasting stability for Syria and the…

I am also extremely pessimistic that Bashar al-Assad will make any meaningful concessions under any circumstances.

I think it is important to scale up support for the political development of the Syrian opposition to help them improve their internal cohesion and their ability to represent the Syrian people.

Based on two strategic prerogatives--one, avoiding chaos while, two, ensuring that the fundamental aspirations of the Syrian people are met--it is clear that the best outcome would, in fact, be a managed transition.

Certainly Bashar al-Assad has lost all governing legitimacy except what he achieves at the barrel of a gun or a tank.

It would also reinforce the interests of both nations and groups hostile to transparency, to the rule of law broadly shared by the population of a country or to peaceful transition.

I worry that the context may change before Syria changes.

Trust is the heart of governance, and I think it's clear that people will no longer tolerate Presidents for life.

Is not harmful to consumers, it is useful.

I believe it is in Israel's interest not to have any more 20-percent material, not to have any more material above 3.5 percent produced as a place to start.

I think dialogue and coercive diplomacy with Iran can slow down their nuclear program, their nuclear progress.

A full commitment on the part of Iran to stay completely away from bombmaking, if I can put it that way.