George Boutwell

Lincoln was nominated for the Presidency, he was an unknown man; he had performed no important public service; his election was not due to personal popularity, nor to the strength of the party that he represented; but to the divisions…

The gratitude of his countrymen rebuked all rivalries.

The author of the Declaration of Independence is so identified with the history of the country that that history cannot outlast his name and fame.

Lincoln is an historical personage, not less so than Cromwell, Napoleon, or Washington, and all without the glamor that rests upon the brows of successful military chieftains.

He was its leader in the first successful national contest, and it was during his administration as President that the policy of the party was developed and its capacity for the business of government established.

Lincoln may be regarded as the founder of the Republican Party.

Such a ruling, if applied to cases of public importance, might lead to very serious results.

The arbitrator found that he was not guilty of piracy and that the act of slave-trading was never committed, although the design and purpose of the voyage were perfectly clear.

The character of the voyage of the Ardennes was important in view of the rule of law that, in the trial of a person charged with the crime of slave-trading, evidence is admissible which tends to prove that the accused had been engaged in…

That we may believe a statement of that sort, evidence is required, not from one man unknown, not from one man impeached, but from many men of reputable standing in society.

If General Butler had convened a military court or commission, as he should have done, and had obtained a conviction, as he would have obtained one, he would not have subjected the United States to the judgments which were rendered finally.

It is too much to assume that an advocate can in a moment transform himself into an impartial judge.

A court thus constituted is an imposing tribunal, and in dignity of appearance not inferior to the Supreme Court of the United States.

Having agreed to the use of an unconstitutional tribunal, or to an extra constitutional tribunal, I had no qualms about accepting the result.

In the division of parties it seemed impossible, and probably it was impossible, to secure a result with peace to the country, except by a resort to extraordinary means.

As I now view the subject (1900) the Electoral Commission was an indefensible necessity.

You can do that if you choose, but you cannot control my action now.

I was not personally opposed to Simmons, but I thought that his appointment was unwise in the extreme, and therefore I opposed his confirmation.

With such examples as this country furnishes and with the traditions under whose influence all classes are living, there will always be peril as long as large bodies of citizens are deprived of their legal rights.

The South, and indeed the whole country were not more blind to impending perils in the days of slavery than we now are to the perils of the usurpation in which the South is engaged.

The negroes are seven million to-day, and they are increasing in numbers and gaining in wealth and intelligence.

Moreover, we intend to protect you, and in the end you will be placed on good ground.

In many parts of the State the canvass previous to the election was characterized by assassinations and midnight murders.

The town of Aberdeen was the scene of murderous intimidation on the day of election, and at about eleven o'clock the Republicans left the polling place and abandoned the contest.

For myself I had no doubt that the election of 1875 was carried by the Democrats by a preconcerted plan of riots and assassinations.