In my judgment it would be just as well for George Washington to defend himself against the charge of disloyalty to the American Colonies, for whom he was fighting, as for the honorable Senator to defend his record on this question.

But to my mind nothing is clearer than that where anything is correct in principle it must by inevitable law be correct in practice.

Nobody here makes this law,--not the Senate, not Congress.

By a higher law than any from human power, whatever is correct in principle must be correct in practice.

It is the teaching of all history; it is the teaching of human life; especially is it the teaching of our national experience during these latter eventful years.

How often have propositions been opposed in this Chamber as correct in principle, but not practical!

And how often what was correct in principle triumphed over every obstacle!

When the proposition for the abolition of Slavery in the District was brought forward, we were told that it was correct in principle, but that it would not work well,--that it was not practical!

Then, again, when it was proposed to give the ballot to all, it was announced that it might be correct in principle, but that it was not practical; and I, Sir, was seriously assured by an eminent citizen that it would bring about massacre…

Now that it is proposed to apply the same principle to the schools, we are again assured, with equal seriousness and gravity, that, though correct in principle, it is not practical.

I insist that whatever is correct in principle is practical.

Anything else would make this world a failure, and obedience to the laws of God impossible.

The provision which my friend would strike out is simply to carry into education the same principle which we have carried into the court-room, into the horse-car, and to the ballot-box: that is all.

If there be any argument in favor of the provision in these other cases, allow me to say that it is stronger in the school-room, inasmuch as the child is more impressionable than the man.

You should not begin life with a rule that sanctions a prejudice.

With what consistency can you deny to the child equal rights in the school-room and then give him equal rights at the ballot-box?

Having already accorded equal rights at the ballot-box, I insist upon his equal right in the school-room also.

It is not enough to give him a separate school, where he may have the same kind of education with the white child.

Every child, white or black, has a right to be placed under precisely the same influences, with the same teachers, in the same school-room, without any discrimination founded on his color.

You disown distinctions of sect: why keep up those of color?

A great protection to the colored child, and a great assurance of his education, will be that he is educated on the same benches and by the same teachers with the white child.

You may give him what is sometimes called an equivalent in another school; but this is not equality.

His right is to equality, and not to equivalency.

He has equality only when he comes into your common-school and finds no exclusion there on account of his skin.

Strike out this provision, and you will say to the children of this District: “There is a prejudice of color which we sanction; continue it; grow up with it in your souls.” And worse still, the prejudice which you sanction will extend from…