The death of such a citizen makes a void, but it leaves behind a life which in itself is a monument.
Charles Sumner
The Public Record
Charles Sumner was an American lawyer and statesman who represented Massachusetts in the United States Senate from 1851 until his death in 1874. Before and during the American Civil War, he was a leading American advocate for the abolition of slavery, and after the war he was a key figure in the Reconstruction era, during which he and other Radical Republicans successfully fought to end slavery and ensure basic rights for Black Americans. He continued advocating for racial equality until his death, lobbying in his final days for a civil rights bill that served as a model for the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Historians credit Sumner with coining the phrase "equality before the law," which he first used as part of an early attempt to integrate Boston's public school system.
With nothing but a common education, he improved his condition, gained riches, enlarged his mind with wisdom, and won the confidence of his fellow-citizens, until he became an example.
The eminence which John Covode reached attests the hospitality of our institutions, and shows how character triumphs over difficulties.
His honest indignation at wrong was doubtless quickened by the blood which coursed in his veins and the story which it constantly whispered.
And here that frankness which was part of his nature became a power.
He saw the wrong they did to the party, and, in the relation of cause and effect, to the country.
His strong sense and the completeness of his devotion to party made him strenuous always for those commanding principles by which Humanity is advanced.
And here the bitterness which he encountered was the tribute to his virtue.
There is heroism elsewhere than on fields of battle, and he displayed it.
So also, when the Rebellion was suppressed, he insisted always upon those Equal Rights for All, without which the Declaration of Independence is an unperformed promise, and our nation a political bankrupt.
Slavery had no sanctity for him, and he insisted upon striking it.
The Rebellion found this faithful Representative in his place, and from the first moment to the last he gave to its suppression time, inexhaustible energy, and that infinite treasure, the life of a son.
But his speech had a plainness not without effect, especially before the people, where the facts and figures which he presented with honest voice were eloquent.
Life is too short to prolong this process; and I do not believe that the people of the District of Columbia would reject for their children the advantages of the common schools simply because these schools were brought into harmony with…
It has been met and conquered at the ballot-box and in the halls of our local and general Legislatures, and why should it not receive the same fate in our school-rooms?
We have seen this prejudice die out on the field of battle, where white and colored have fought together for the same flag.
The colored race will feel the stimulating effects of direct competition with the white race, their ambition and self-respect will grow under its influence and add dignity to their character, and rapidly develop a style and type of manhood…
Let all discrimination on account of color be avoided in the public schools of Washington, let them be amply provided for in respect to funds and teachers, and a very few years will see the example followed all over our free country.
Whether this unjust, unreasonable, and unchristian discrimination against our children shall continue at the capital of this great Republic is for the wisdom of Congress to determine.
That the custom of separation on account of color must disappear from our public schools, as it has from our halls of justice and of legislation, we regard as but a question of time.
If this be so, then with what show of consistency or reason can they object to the children of both classes sitting side by side in school?
There is no argument for equality at the ballot-box, in the cars, on the jury, in holding office and bearing arms, which is not equally applicable in the present case.
The right of the colored man to ride in the railway cars, to cast the ballot, to sit on the jury, to hold office, and even to bear arms in defence of his country, has encountered the same objection.
And yet, could my friend prevail, he would train up a child in the way he should not go; but he would not, I know, encourage him in this prejudice.
Here I would interpose the further inquiry, Why will you make your school-house the nursery of prejudice inconsistent with the declared principles of your institutions?





