A short Act of Congress will determine the political fortunes of Connecticut for an indefinite period by securing three thousand additional votes to the right side.

Regard it as the completion of these Reconstruction measures, as a constitutional enactment, or as a measure of expediency to secure results we all desire at the approaching elections, and who can hesitate?

There has been no bill before you for a long time of more practical value than this.

Be it enacted, &c., That in the District of Columbia no person shall be excluded from any office by reason of race or color, and all parts of laws making any such discrimination are hereby repealed.

I suppose he will be frank enough to inform us whether it is intended as the commencement of the policy that negroes shall be allowed to become office-holders, to hold both Federal and State offices throughout the country,--whether he…

Sumner complained that Senators “proposed to go home and leave Equal Rights in the District without the protection we owe them.

I appeal on behalf of all the colored people in this District, who ask the passage of this bill.

I have received a letter from Norfolk, calling attention to the case of a colored person there, an inhabitant for more than twenty-five years, but unable to obtain naturalization because of the words of color in our naturalization laws.

It is only reasonable that we should put an end to that grievance.

In short, I would punch the word “white” out of the statute-book, wherever it appears.

The message, from beginning to end, is a menace.

Its defiant tone fills this Chamber, and will soon fill the whole country.

Listening to this appeal, so well calculated to revive the dying Rebellion, I felt that one of two things was needed,--the removal of its author from the Executive chair, or Congress in permanent session to watch and counteract him.

For the present I speak as a Senator, bound, in the discharge of official duty, to do what he can for the public good.

As a Senator, I must be plain; nor can I be constrained by the possibility that hereafter I may be called to judge the President.

But until then it is the right and duty of every Senator to express himself freely with regard to his conduct; nor can there be any limit to this latitude.

Because the President may be impeached, the Senate is not obliged to be silent with regard to him.

Until a Senator is sworn on the trial of impeachment, according to the requirement of the National Constitution, he is a Senator, free to criticize any public functionary, from the President to the humblest officer; and if either has so…

We must meet him constantly, and not leave the field unoccupied.

If I had powers of persuasion, I would use them all to induce you to remain as a guard to the National Constitution and a constabulary force for the Rebel States.

But I doubt if any of us can be better employed anywhere than in contributing to the success of Reconstruction, and in preserving peace throughout that distressed region of country.

Sitting in our seats here, we are a mighty police, ready at the call of general or citizen, and also a terror to the evil-doer.

Here is distinct and open notice that the President will do all in his power to thwart your legislation and to arrest a just Reconstruction.

There he stands, a constant impediment to peace, and an ally to the Rebellion.

It is, that we must not abdicate, so long as Andrew Johnson is in the Executive chair.