All this I put aside and look only at the transcendent fact, in which all pretence of innocence is so entirely lost and absorbed that it cannot be seen.

Even if the motive of this criminal act were in question, as I insist that it cannot be, then do I say, that, in a case like this, when disloyalty is to be shut out of this Chamber, I give the benefit of doubt to my country.

Disloyalty must be met at the door, and not allowed to enter in.

I have always been in favor of an International Copyright, as justice to authors and a new stage in the unity of nations.

But I am sanguine that at last the victory will be won.

If authors should have a copyright anywhere, they should have it everywhere within the limits of civilization.

Our powers at this moment are under the Constitution of the United States; nor can we add to them a tittle by calling ourselves a Court or calling ourselves a Senate.

The Constitution has not given us a name, but it has given us powers; and those we are now to exercise.

The Senate has the sole power to try impeachments.

I hope that I do not use an illustration too familiar, when I remind you that a rose under any other name has all those qualities which make it the first of flowers.

I would ask learned Senators who have announced this proposition, where they find it in the Constitution.

If you repair to the contemporary authorities, including the original debates, you will find no such reason assigned,--nothing like it,--not even any suggestion of it.

Any reason supplied by him anterior to the adoption of the Constitution must be of more weight than any ex post facto imagination or invention of learned commentators.

This imputation, so insulting to a great political organization, and to the distinguished members who have openly united in its adhesion, cannot be accepted without some ground of reason, or at least of presumption.

Men act according to their supposed interests,--this is a law of human nature; but every interest of former Rebels is for peace.

In our present legislation we encounter this mistrust wide-spread among the people; and so long as we ourselves exhibit so great timidity in our attempts at legislation upon this subject, just so long do we minister to and strengthen this…

Under the influence of uncontrolled passion, and for the sake of Slavery, they went into rebellion; but now that passion has abated and Slavery has ceased, they see that nothing is gained by prolonging the animosities it engendered.

At once they declared their desire and offered the hand of fellowship, at the same time announcing their acceptance of those great measures by which the Equal Rights of All are assured.

If we trust to the lights of history, the reason for the introduction of this clause in the Constitution was because the framers of the Constitution contemplated the possibility of the suspension of the President from the exercise of his…

The President is made too dependent already on the Legislature by the power of one branch to try him in consequence of an impeachment by the other.

When the Senate was declared to have the sole power to try impeachments, it was by necessary implication invested with the power, incident to every court, and known historically to belong to the English court of impeachment, from which…

Mark well these words,--“they can suspend him, when suspected.” If only suspected, the President can be suspended.

I submit, then, on the contemporary testimony, that the special reason why the Chief Justice is called to preside, when the President is on trial, is less what learned Senators have assigned than because the Vice-President under certain…

Here it is: “When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside.” That is the whole, Sir.

Unless I am much mistaken, this disposes of the objection, proceeding from so many Senators, that the Senator from Ohio cannot take the oath because he may possibly succeed to the President now impeached at your bar.