I hope to meet such cases as yours by some general enactment; and as soon as the condition of the country will permit, I shall be the first to advocate the removal of all disabilities under which you labor at present.
Charles Sumner
The Public Record
Charles Sumner was an American lawyer and statesman who represented Massachusetts in the United States Senate from 1851 until his death in 1874. Before and during the American Civil War, he was a leading American advocate for the abolition of slavery, and after the war he was a key figure in the Reconstruction era, during which he and other Radical Republicans successfully fought to end slavery and ensure basic rights for Black Americans. He continued advocating for racial equality until his death, lobbying in his final days for a civil rights bill that served as a model for the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Historians credit Sumner with coining the phrase "equality before the law," which he first used as part of an early attempt to integrate Boston's public school system.
We owe protection, so far as we can afford it, to these petitioners; and since the Senator from Illinois regards this as the best way, I am disposed to follow him; but in doing it, I wish the Senate to take notice of the character of the…
I wish the Senate to take notice that they are called to adopt this exceptional precedent by the lawless and brutal condition of the social system about these petitioners.
The very fact which the Senator brings to the attention of the Senate, and on account of which he invokes an unprecedented exercise of power, is important evidence on the condition of things in one of these Rebel States.
It goes to show that they are not yet in any just sense reconstructed, or prepared for reconstruction.
That it occurs here must be referred to remains of Rebellion not yet subdued, but which you are now called upon, in the exercise of powers under the National Constitution, to overcome and obliterate.
Therefore, Sir, I regard this transaction in a double light: first, as an important precedent in the business of the Senate; secondly, as illustrating a condition of things to justify every exercise of care and diligence on our part, that…
The right of petition, a great popular right, cannot be interrupted without a blow at the Constitution.
I would simply suggest that we may well consider whether it might not be advisable to complete the original series, and to illustrate the War of Independence, before we enter upon the work of illustrating this recent more terrible conflict.
I agree with that Senator absolutely, when he says the whole collection will be of very little value, it will be trivial, if not well edited, well arranged, and then well indexed.
All this brings us to the conclusion that what we do should be well considered and laid out in advance.
But, Sir, I believe it a beneficent measure, and important from its very beneficence.
Were the bill adopted in that form, it would be truly beneficent.
It would prevent any State from becoming a turnpike-gate to the internal commerce of the country.
No State, I insist, has a right to take toll on the internal commerce of this great republic, and it belongs to the United States, under the National Constitution, to regulate that internal commerce.
It goes forth and does battle with a monopoly in at least one State of the Union which was in view when the bill was first presented.
I shall be glad hereafter to act with him in carrying out the original purposes of this bill, so that no State shall be able to set itself in the way of the internal commerce of the country.
Though shorn of some of its virtue, it is better than nothing; it will do much good.
Even in its present form it is essentially beneficent.
While I have no doubt how the conduct of Great Britain with regard to our losses should be characterized, I am anxious that my own country should be kept firm and constant in the attitude of justice.
The time has come for us to assert the powers of the National Government, independent of the States, in certain cases.
The argument in this debate has gone very much on the military power of the Government, little allusion being made to that other source of power which seems to me so ample,--the power to regulate commerce among the States.
I ask Congress to interpose its power to regulate commerce among the States,--to interpose it on a great occasion, under circumstances, I admit, of special responsibility, when I consider the time and the occasion, but under circumstances…
Who, Sir, can doubt, that, under these special words of the National Constitution, we have full power over this whole question?
The question is great; it is important; it is almost historical; it is nothing less than to determine whether the northern shores of Ohio and Illinois shall be brought forward to the ocean itself, so that the large towns there shall become…





