Here again the claim is not merely for the community, but for “all men,” and it is set forth thus positively in a Declaration of Rights.

Here is no claim for communities merely, but expressly for “every man,” including especially “the poor man,” and without distinction of color.

Their failure can be no apology for us, on whom the duty is now cast.

Thus, if we repair with Otis to the very source from which he drew, we find that there was no claim for communities merely, but for the individual man, without distinction of color.

He has brought to light a resolution from no less an authority than Lord Somers, on an important occasion, kindred to the present, when it was proposed to disfranchise all who were not of the Established Church, as it is now proposed to…

Here again is the very cry of Otis; and you cannot fail to observe that the claim is not for communities merely, but for “every Englishman,” without distinction of color.

Every freeman, who hath sufficient discretion, should have a voice in the election of his legislators.… All the members of the State are qualified to make the election, unless they have not sufficient discretion, or are so situated as to…

The reasons assigned for the exclusion of women may be very unsatisfactory; but they show at least that the Fathers, when insisting that taxation and representation must go together, did not regard women, any more than minors, within the…

And here I leave this head of the argument, concluding as I began, that you cannot adopt this pretended Amendment without setting at defiance the great maxim of constitutional liberty which was the rallying cry of our fathers.

Alas, that now, at the close of a rebellion in the name of State Rights, we should be considering calmly how to assure this pernicious heresy new support in the Constitution itself!

But, in the name of Justice, I insist that nothing further shall be done to invest the States with peculiar local power.

If not taught by the lessons of the late war, then be taught by the principles avowed at the very beginning of the Government.

The object of the Constitution was to ordain, under authority of the people, a national government possessing unity and power.

The Confederation had been merely an agreement “between the States,” styled “a league of firm friendship.” Found to be feeble and inoperative, through the pretension of State Rights, it gave way to the Constitution, which, instead of a…

Beginning with these inspiring and enacting words, “We, the people,” it was popular and national.

I believe that I am duly proud of it, and conscious of the weight it ought to carry wherever it appears.

I know its name stands for something in the world, and that whoever represents this country on the ocean or in the diplomatic service has, alone, a great and powerful recommendation.

But I also know too much of human history and too much of human nature, not to know that men everywhere are influenced more or less by the title of those who approach them.

And therefore I am brought to the precise point, that, whatever the rank of our country in the world, and how much soever we may be entitled, at all courts where our representatives are, to the highest precedence, yet, such is human…

Why does this law authorize or sanction, and why do our Constitution and statutes, following the Law of Nations, authorize and sanction, a difference of rank, except to obtain corresponding degrees of influence?

It runs into the army; it runs into the navy; it runs into Congress; it runs into all the business of life; and the simple question is, whether now, in the diplomatic service of the country, in dealing with our foreign agents, we shall…

I assume all that; but I would secure for that same personage the best reception possible, and the highest facilities for his representative.

I would now secure the same thing for my country, and I believe--pardon me, if I introduce my own personal testimony--but I believe, according to such opportunities of observation as I have had, now running over a considerable period of…

It is a matter of comparative indifference what place a man may have at a dinner-table; but I do wish to secure facilities in business and respect for the representatives of my country to the largest degree possible.

Are not public servants at the State Department as worthy as public servants at the Treasury?