There can be no reason why Slavery should not be forbidden positively and without exception, especially as “imprisonment” cannot be confounded with this “peculiar” wrong.

By the latter clause the declaration is plainly applicable to the States, while the earlier words assert the equality of all persons before the law,--a fruitful principle, assuring to all the same rights.

Inter pares non est potestas, “Among equals there is no superiority,” is a received maxim of law, expressing a natural truth.

Therefore, where all are equal, there can be no Slavery; so that, in declaring equality before the law, you make Slavery, alike with superiority, impossible.

Men are born and continue free and equal in rights.

Government is instituted to guaranty to man the enjoyment of his natural and imprescriptible rights.

Equal before the law.” This term, which, by its essential accuracy and self-limitation, excludes all uncertainty, exaggeration, or vagueness, was already known in the literature of France.

It was much to declare equality; it was more still to do it with accuracy of form defying assault.

Doubtless the extensive adoption of this formula testifies to its value in expressing an important principle, being nothing less than the primal truth declared by our fathers.

The sophistries of Calhoun, founded on the obvious inequalities of body and mind, are all overthrown by this simple statement, which, though borrowed latterly from France, is older than French history.

Not till after generations and ages had passed was equality before the law authoritatively declared; and now, while involving it as a rule, we repair to that bountiful Greek tongue, which, at that early day, by a single word, anticipated…

In France Equality prevails more than Liberty: in England Liberty more than Equality.

In making Equality the fundamental principle, underlying Liberty itself, I follow reason and authority.

Equality makes Slavery impossible, while it broadens Liberty into that community of right which is the essence of Republican Government.

Slavery shall not exist anywhere within the United States or the jurisdiction thereof; and the Congress shall have power to make all laws necessary and proper to carry this prohibition into effect.

The word “Slavery” is explicit, and describes precisely what you propose to blast.

It cannot be confounded with “the punishment of crime”; for imprisonment is not Slavery; nor can any punishment take the form of a wrong which stands by itself, peculiar, terrible, outrageous.

And I would complete the work by expelling from the Constitution all those words so often misconstrued, perverted, and tortured to a false support of Slavery.

I cannot consent to speak of Lafayette, who was not ashamed to fight beside a black soldier, to an audience too delicate to sit beside a black citizen.

I cannot speak of Lafayette, who was a friend of universal liberty, under the auspices of a society which makes itself the champion of caste and vulgar prejudice.

Beyond all question, the overthrow of this portentous crime, besides immeasurable contributions to civilization everywhere, will accomplish two things of direct material advantage: first, it will raise the fee-simple of the whole South…

There is in the Appropriation Bill an innate vitality; it cannot lose by delay; the public interests cannot suffer; but I do not doubt that all these, and the good name of the country, suffer by every day’s delay in the repeal of the…

Sumner said that the Committee “felt that we had better make a clean thing, purify the country, and lift it before foreign nations, which could be only by washing our hands of Slavery.” Mr.

Strange that now, while we are in deadly conflict with Slavery, it should be proposed to keep alive an ancient support of Slavery.

Let us at all hazards prevent the extension of Slavery and the increase of the Slave Power.