People find in texts of Scripture the support of their own religious opinions or prejudices; and, in the same way, they find in texts of the Constitution the support of their political opinions or prejudices.

And this may not be in either case because Scripture or Constitution, when truly interpreted, supports such opinions or prejudices, but because people are apt to find in texts simply a reflection of themselves.

In dealing with this subject, it is not the Constitution, so much as human nature itself, which is at fault.

Let the people change, and the Constitution will change also; for the Constitution is but the shadow, while the people are the substance.

Thank God, under influence of the struggle for national life, and in obedience to its incessant exigencies, the people have changed, and in nothing so much as on Slavery.

Old opinions and prejudices have dissolved, and that traditional foothold Slavery once possessed is gradually weakening, until now it scarcely exists.

The time, then, has come when the Constitution, so long interpreted for Slavery, may be interpreted for Freedom.

Universal emancipation, which is at hand, can be won only by complete emancipation of the Constitution itself, which has been so long degraded to wear chains that its real character is scarcely known.

Liberty is the best cultivator, the truest teacher, and the most enterprising merchant.

The old superstition is abandoned; and they join with Patrick Henry, when, in the Virginia Convention, he declared the power of manumission accorded to Congress.

And shall we be less perspicacious for Freedom than this Virginia statesman for Slavery?

Discerning the power, he confessed his dismay: let us confess our joy.

We have already seen that Slavery finds no support in the Constitution.

But it is difficult, if not absurd, to insist that Congress has not this substantive power.

If powerless to do these things in a great crisis, it had better abdicate.

Have they not power to provide for the general defence and welfare?

Next comes the fountain, “Congress shall have power to declare war, to raise and support armies, to provide and maintain a navy.” A power like this is from its nature unlimited.

In raising and supporting an army, in providing and maintaining a navy, Congress is not restricted to any particular class or color.

But such contract would be in itself an act of manumission; for a slave cannot make a contract.

And if the contract be followed by actual service, who can deny its completest efficacy in enfranchising the soldier-slave and his whole family?

For he to-day that sheds his blood with me Shall be my brother; be he ne’er so vile, This day shall gentle his condition.

There is still another clause: “The United States shall guaranty to every State in this Union a republican form of government.” Here again is a plain duty.

But the guaranty of a republican form of government must have a meaning congenial with the purposes of the Constitution.

If a government like that of Turkey, or even that of Venice, could come within the scope of this guaranty, it would be of little value; it would be words, and nothing more.

Let us at all hazards prevent the extension of Slavery and the increase of the Slave Power.