This is not the time to dwell on the character of the colored race; for the right of petition can never depend on the character of the petitioner, while in criminal cases liberty and life even may.
Charles Sumner
The Public Record
Charles Sumner was an American lawyer and statesman who represented Massachusetts in the United States Senate from 1851 until his death in 1874. Before and during the American Civil War, he was a leading American advocate for the abolition of slavery, and after the war he was a key figure in the Reconstruction era, during which he and other Radical Republicans successfully fought to end slavery and ensure basic rights for Black Americans. He continued advocating for racial equality until his death, lobbying in his final days for a civil rights bill that served as a model for the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Historians credit Sumner with coining the phrase "equality before the law," which he first used as part of an early attempt to integrate Boston's public school system.
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His intelligence is of a high order, his integrity above all suspicion, and his sense of right and propriety always correct and even delicate and refined.
I do not dwell on precedents; for Senators willing to entertain this proposition can have little regard for any precedents in favor of Human Rights.
And permit me to say, that I should be little worthy of the place I now hold, if, at any time hereafter, receiving such petitions, I hesitate in the discharge of this sacred duty.
At this call he severed friendships, personal and political, believing that principle was of higher worth than party or politician or President.
The powerful party leader, “with a Senate at his heels,” is less worthy of love and consideration than the simple citizen, who, scorning party ties, dares to be true and just.
Though decided and firm in conduct, he was winning and sweet in manner, and by beautiful example showed how to unite two qualities which are not always found together.
To him alone our tribute is now due; but, in pronouncing the name of JOHN SCHWARTZ, we cannot forget the “fatherland” of his ancestors, which out of its abundance has given to our Republic so many good heads, so many strong arms, with so…
It only remains, that, by unhesitating assertion of our principles, we continue to deserve victory.
His commanding person, his distinct utterance, and his graceful elocution combined with the eloquence of his words in keeping the immense auditory to their seats for two hours, without a movement, and almost without a breath, save when the…
I can say in all sincerity, that, of all the political addresses I have ever heard,--and for thirty years past I have heard a great many, and from the most distinguished men in the country,--I have never listened to one that would begin to…
Though dead, they yet live, speak, and act in the conflict of principle which divides the country,--standing face to face, like two well-matched champions.
Calhoun possessed an intellect of much originality and boldness, and, though wanting the culture of a scholar, made himself felt in council and in debate.
Adams shows that at that early day, when Slavery had been little discussed, he saw its enormity with instinctive quickness, and described it with corresponding force.
Calhoun; but when they reappeared, one in the Senate, and the other in the House of Representatives, each openly assumed the position by which he will be known in history,--one as chief in all the pretensions of Slavery and Slave-Masters…
Adams vehemently denounced it as a curse, full of weakness and mockery, doubly offensive in a boastful Republic.
Proud as we are to tread where John Quincy Adams leads the way, there is a guide of more commanding authority--found in the eternal law of Right, and the concurring mandate of the Constitution itself, when properly interpreted--that…
As an act of justice too long deferred, it aroused even then the active sympathy of multitudes, while as an act for the benefit of our commerce it was ably commended by eminent merchants of Boston and New York without distinction of party.
All must admit, too, that, if no Republican party existed now,--even if that halcyon day had come, so often promised by cajoling politicians, when the Slavery Question was settled,--still there would be a political necessity for a great…
Slavery in the national capital is now abolished.
Through parties public opinion is concentrated and directed; through parties principles are maintained above men; and through parties men in power are held to a just responsibility.
But they will all live again in the good work they generously began.
If ever there was occasion for such a party, it is now, when the corruptions of the Administration are dragged to light by Committees of Congress.
Here was criminality as positive as when his supporters purchased votes in the streets.
Let us at all hazards prevent the extension of Slavery and the increase of the Slave Power.
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