Allow me to congratulate you upon the delivery of one of the most effective speeches upon the great question of the age that have ever been given to the American people.
Charles Sumner
The Public Record
Charles Sumner was an American lawyer and statesman who represented Massachusetts in the United States Senate from 1851 until his death in 1874. Before and during the American Civil War, he was a leading American advocate for the abolition of slavery, and after the war he was a key figure in the Reconstruction era, during which he and other Radical Republicans successfully fought to end slavery and ensure basic rights for Black Americans. He continued advocating for racial equality until his death, lobbying in his final days for a civil rights bill that served as a model for the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Historians credit Sumner with coining the phrase "equality before the law," which he first used as part of an early attempt to integrate Boston's public school system.
I rejoice most heartily that the facts and sentiments it contains have found a timely utterance, and it is safe to predict for it a decided effect upon the moral sense of the whole world.
While there is immense sympathy for the Republican party, as a party, there is too little sympathy for the Slave, and too little indignation against that abominable system by which he is held in bondage.
The tendency of that speech is to show that it is not this or that measure merely we have to contend with, but the monster Slavery.
We must be bold and determined now, and the victory is sure.
The ravings of the Oligarchy show that they are wounded.
To do this in such a way as to secure for our various interests all proper advantages must be our special aim.
Honest utterance generally frightens or offends the wise and prudent; but it gains the popular heart, and thus renders political parties the greatest service, though it is one they least know how to appreciate.
We feel the value of it the more since the Republican party appears determined to treat us in the spirit of the Dred Scott decision.
Permit me, as a citizen of your native State, and especially as a colored man, who has faithfully devoted more than twenty years of his brief life to the elevation of his race, most sincerely and heartily to thank you for your very…
The speech, which I read in the Herald, is, it seems to me, unequalled by anything in the oratory of modern times, and I venture to predict that future ages will place it, as a work of art, side by side with the matchless De Corona of…
In my humble opinion, you have so effectually laid the axe at the root of the tree that thousands and tens of thousands who have been indifferent or Proslavery will henceforth work for the deliverance of the bondman,--will labor to help…
If these poor slaves were permitted to give you thanks, their dark and gloomy prisons for once would be made vocal with praise, and their tears of sorrowing and bitterness be changed to tears of joy.
Some of the Northern Republicans affect to think that your speech was ill-timed; but I think it was just in time, and not a moment too soon.
You have torn off its mask and exhibited to them its hideous features, and now let them say whether they will crush it beneath their feet, or foster, caress, and protect it.
The Presidential election turned on Slavery, and nothing else.
The precise point in issue was its limitation by preventing its spread into the Territories; but this issue, even in its moderate form, involved the whole character of Slavery, and the supremacy of the Slave Power in the National…
As the Rebellion began to show itself, the Barbarism of Slavery was more and more recognized.
Our victory will be worth having, only as it is a victory of principle; but such a victory I expect.
Because I believe that our candidates hate the five-headed Barbarism of Slavery, and will set their faces against all its irrational and unconstitutional pretensions, I am earnest for their success.
This resolution was never called up for consideration, but it stands on the Journal of the Senate in perpetual testimony of the assumption of the Slave Power and its tyrannical hardihood.
It is difficult to treat this proposition, proceeding from a Committee of the Senate, except as you would treat a direct proposition of Atheism.
Already, in several States, free negroes are threatened with expulsion, under the terrible penalty of being sold into Slavery.
And now, to complete their degradation and exclusion from all rights, it is proposed to declare that their petitions cannot be received by the Senate.
Let us at all hazards prevent the extension of Slavery and the increase of the Slave Power.





