I observed that it was not worth while to talk in that manner: that it was calculated to wound but not to do good: that I had proposed every thing which in my opinion was calculated to accommodate differences on just and reasonable grounds.
Albert Beveridge
The Public Record
Albert Jeremiah Beveridge was an American historian and United States senator from Indiana. He was an intellectual leader of the Progressive Era and a biographer of Chief Justice John Marshall and President Abraham Lincoln.
I told him that I was much obliged to him but that I relied entirely on my conduct itself for its justification and that I felt no sort of apprehension for consequences, as they regarded me personally; that in public life considerations of…
We parted with a request, on his part, that, whatever might arise, we would preserve the most perfect temper, and with my assuring him of my persuasion that our conduct would always manifest the firmness of men who were determined, and…
Among those principles deemed sacred in America, ... there is no one ... more deeply impressed on the public mind, than the liberty of the press.
That this liberty is often carried to excess, that it has sometimes degenerated into licentiousness, is seen and lamented; but the remedy has not been discovered.
Perhaps it is an evil inseparable from the good with which it is allied; perhaps it is a shoot which cannot be stripped from the stalk, without wounding vitally the plant from which it is torn.
This song is of historic importance, in that it expresses lyrically the first distinctively National consciousness that had appeared among Americans.
Millions for Defense but not a cent for Tribute!" was the crowning toast of that jubilant evening.
In this brief speech the Nationalist and fighting spirit, which appears in all his utterances throughout his entire life, flashes like a sword in battle.
I rejoice that I was not mistaken in the opinion I had formed of my countrymen.
I rejoice to find, though they know how to estimate, and therefore seek to avoid the horrors and dangers of war, yet they know also how to value the blessings of liberty and national independence.
We shall remain free if we do not deserve to be slaves.
The struggle between Liberty and Despotism, Government and Anarchy, Religion and Atheism, has been gloriously decided....
Yes sir, the moment is come that I see the fortunes, nay, independence, of my country at hazard, and in the hands of the most gigantic nation on earth....
The Federalists enacted the Alien and Sedition Laws and thus hastened their own downfall.
He could fight to the death with arms or arguments; but personal warfare by tongue or pen was beyond or beneath him.
In heart and sentiment, as well as by birth and interest, I am an American.
The popular heart and instinct were against these crowning blunders of Federalism.
On the hustings, in the newspapers, at the taverns, the Alien and Sedition Laws were denounced as unconstitutional--they were null and void--no man, much less any State, should obey or respect them.
No man in existence is more decidedly opposed to such an alliance or more fully convinced of the evils that would result from it." Marshall declares that he is for American neutrality in foreign wars; and cites his memorial to Talleyrand…
The whole of my politics respecting foreign nations, are reducible to this single position: ...
Commercial intercourse with all, but political ties with none ... buy as cheap and sell as dear as possible ... never connect ourselves politically with any nation whatever.
So "the implacable foes of the Constitution--foes before it was made, while it was making, and since--became full of tender fears lest it should be violated by the alien and sedition laws.
The publication of your dispatches and the happy exercise of diplomatic skill has produced a momentary delusion and infatuation in which an opposition to the administration is confounded with hostility to the government and treason to the…
Our children see this and learn to imitate it....





