Political Quotes

Walter Bagehot

The Public Record

Walter Bagehot was an English journalist, businessman, and essayist, who wrote extensively about government, economics, literature and race. He is known for co-founding the National Review in 1855, and for his works The English Constitution and Lombard Street: A Description of the Money Market (1873).

If you do not want to throw your vote away, you must be guided by us: here are three very satisfactory gentlemen (and one is an Honourable): you may vote for either of these, and we will write your name down; but if you go voting wildly…

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The member-makers would look, not for independence, but for subservience--and they could hardly be blamed for so doing.

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Upon this (in theory) voluntary plan, you would get together a set of members bound hard and fast with party bands and fetters, infinitely tighter than any members now.

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Whoever hopes anything from desultory popular action if matched against systematised popular action, should consider the way in which the American President is chosen.

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Caucuses, or their equivalent, would be far worse here in constituency-making than there in President-making, because on great occasions the American nation can fix on some one great man whom it knows, but the English nation could not fix…

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But though a common voter could only be ranged in an effectual constituency, and a common candidate only reach a constituency by obeying the orders of the political election-contrivers upon his side, certain voters and certain members…

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At present the Dissenters are a most energetic and valuable component of the Liberal party; but under the voluntary plan they would not be a component--they would be a separate, independent element.

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The full force of this cannot be appreciated except by referring to the former proof that the mass of a Parliament ought to be men of moderate sentiments, or they will elect an immoderate Ministry, and enact violent laws.

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Instead of a deliberate assembly of moderate and judicious men, we should have a various compound of all sorts of violence.

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Bad as these members would be, if they were left to themselves--if, in a free Parliament, they were confronted with the perils of government, close responsibility might improve them and make them tolerable.

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A voluntary constituency will nearly always be a despotic constituency.

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Even in the best case, where a set of earnest men choose a member to expound their earnestness, they will look after him to see that he does expound it.

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At present the member is free because the constituency is not in earnest; no constituency has an acute, accurate doctrinal creed in politics.

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But a voluntary constituency would be a church with tenets; it would make its representative the messenger of its mandates, and the delegate of its determinations.

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As in the case of a dissenting congregation, one great minister sometimes rules it, while ninety-nine ministers in the hundred are ruled by it, so here one noted man would rule his electors, but the electors would rule all the others.

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Thus, the members for a good voluntary constituency would be hopelessly enslaved, because of its goodness; but the members for a bad voluntary constituency would be yet more enslaved because of its badness.

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In America there is a division of politicians into wire-pullers and blowers; under the voluntary system the member of Parliament would be the only momentary mouth-piece--the impotent blower; while the constituency-maker would be the latent…

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Earnest constituencies would exact frequent elections; they would not like to part with their virtue for a long period; it would anger them to see it used contrary to their wishes, amid circumstances which at the election no one thought of.

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A constituency collected by law and on compulsion endures this change because it has no collective earnestness; it does not mind seeing the power it gave used in a manner that it could not have foreseen.

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But a self-formed constituency of eager opinions, a missionary constituency, so to speak, would object; it would think it its bounden duty to object; and the crafty manipulators, though they said nothing, in silence would object still more.

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The voluntary plan, therefore, when tried in this easy form is inconsistent with the extrinsic independence as well as with the inherent moderation of a Parliament--two of the conditions which, as we have seen, are essential to the bare…

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It is in vain to pile detail on detail when the objection is one of first principle.

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I answer, no philosophy, no posterity, no external authority, but the English nation here and now.

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Free government is self-government--a government of the people by the people.

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The progress of the military art is the most conspicuous, I was about to say the most SHOWY, fact in human history.

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Politicians like Walter Bagehot