John Morley

I will not be in a hurry to believe that there is not a great body in India of reasonable people, not only among the quiet, humble, law-abiding classes, but among the educated classes.

To talk of public discussion in connection with mischief of that kind is really pushing things intolerably far.

But an incendiary article is part and parcel of the murderous act.

When you have men admitting that they deliberately write these articles and promote these newspapers with a view of furthering murderous action, to talk of the freedom of the Press in connection with that is wicked moonshine.

I do not believe that there is a man in England who is more jealous of the freedom of the Press than I am.

When I am told that an Act of this kind is a restriction on the freedom of the Press, I do not accept it for a moment.

But it is perfectly natural to ask: Should the Imperial Parliament have no voice?

Yet I see, to my great regret and astonishment, that this Act is described as an Act for judging cases of seditious libel without a Jury.

I do not believe in short cuts, and I believe that the Government in these difficult circumstances is wise not to be in too great a hurry.

Now the Government--if you will allow me for a very few moments to say a word on behalf of the Government, not here alone but at Simla--we and they, for after all we are one--have been assailed for a certain want of courage and what is…

I will tell you what I think of--as I have for a good many months past--I think first of the burden of responsibility weighing on the governing men at Calcutta and Simla and the other main centres of power and of labour.

I am not going to embark you to-night upon these vast controversies, but when we talk about education, are we not getting very near the root of the case?

And this will be effected merely by the natural operation of knowledge and reflection." Ah, gentlemen, the natural operation of knowledge and reflection carries men of a different structure of mind, different beliefs, different habits and…

It is my firm belief that if our plans of education are followed up, there will not be a single idolater among the respectable classes in Bengal thirty years hence.

We in this country are so accustomed to look upon political changes as the only important changes, that we very often forget such a change as the establishment of Universities.

But I do not believe anybody in this room representing so powerfully as you do dominant sentiments that are not always felt in England--that in this room there is anybody who is for an era of pure repression.

You cannot enter at this date and with English public opinion, mind you, watching you, upon an era of pure repression, and I do not believe really that anybody desires any such thing.

Now I do not believe anybody--either in this room or out of this room--believes that we can now enter upon an era of pure repression.

It will mark the breakdown of what has never yet broken down in any part of the world--the breakdown of British statesmanship.

And unless we somehow or other can reconcile order with satisfaction of those ideas and aspirations, gentlemen, the fault will not be theirs.

A movement for objects which we ourselves have all taught them to think desirable objects.

Our first duty--the first duty of any Government--is to keep order.

But as I read it, as I listen to serious Indian experts with large experience, it all sounds estrangement and alienation even though it be no worse than superficial.

I am trying to feel my way through the most difficult problem, the most difficult situation that a responsible Government can have to face.

No: not at all; because there is so much, I will not say of random variety, but there is so much independent use of mind upon the facts that we have to deal with, that I listen with endless edification and instruction.