John Morley

It is no reproach to other statesmen of this or other periods, to say that scarcely any of them have had a celebrity so entirely unaided by a transitory glare.

It always seemed to me that there was a treasure-house within him, which he kept closed against the eyes of men.

For myself, I said, not in education only but in all things including education, I prefer voluntary to legal machinery, when the thing can be well done either way.

I hold that we ought not to set up this machinery, in order to create three infant schools, where all the other wants of some 2000 people are already provided for.

The low utilitarian argument in matter of education, for giving it what is termed a practical direction, is so plausible that I think we may on the whole be thankful that the instincts of the country have resisted what in argument it has…

This recognition of title is just what I would refuse.

I deny their right to a parallel or equal position; their true position is auxiliary, and as auxiliary it ought to be limited and restrained without scruple, as a regard to the paramount matter of education may dictate.

Is it because we find it established? because it improves memory or taste, or gives precision, or develops the faculty of speech?

All these are but partial and fragmentary statements, so many narrow glimpses of a great and comprehensive truth.

That truth I take to be that the modern European civilisation from the middle age downwards is the compound of two great factors, the Christian religion for the spirit of man, and the Greek, and in a secondary degree the Roman discipline…

Paul is the apostle of the Gentiles, and is in his own person a symbol of this great wedding—the place, for example, of Aristotle and Plato in Christian education is not arbitrary nor in principle mutable.

I will not say you are not prudent in suggesting that you should not even give an opinion upon the great question: What is the true place of the old classical learning in the human culture of the nineteenth century?

But one thing I do think, namely, that it is desirable that, as far as may be, the members of the commission should have some answer to that question in their minds, and should write their report with reference to it.

For centuries, through the lifetime of our great schools this classical culture has been made the lapis angularis of all secular culture of the highest class.

If we have committed gross errors, it has been owing to an excess much more than to a defect of professional influence and counsel.

In my opinion the qualities of a good administrator and statesman go to make a good war minister, especially at this juncture, far more than those of a good soldier.

You were chosen for your office, not because you would do tolerably for easy times, and then could walk out, but because you were the best man the party could supply for the post.

The reproaches aimed at you now are merely aimed at the government through you, and you are chosen to be the point of attack because the nation is sore on military matters in times of crisis, and the press which ought to check excitement…

Opposes Public Worship Regulation bill, explains his Six Resolutions.

Address to boys of Marlborough College on value of simple habits.

Supports amendment to Universities bill, providing that holy orders shall not be a condition of holding any headship or fellowship.

Protests against use of Indian troops in Europe without consent of parliament.

Protests against despatch of Indian contingent to Malta.

Moves address that proceedings under Indian Vernacular Press Act be reported to parliament.

Criticises action of British plenipotentiaries at Berlin Congress.