Political Quotes

John Morley

The Public Record

John Morley, 1st Viscount Morley of Blackburn,, was a British Liberal statesman, writer and newspaper editor.

We had been constantly challenged to a dissolution, and not to take the challenge up would be a proof of mistrust, weakness, and a faint heart.

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It is best for Ireland that the party strongest in the new parliament should be at once confronted with its responsibilities.

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Again, we were bound to consider what would most tend to reunite the liberal party, and it was in opposition that the chances of such reunion would be likely to stand highest, especially in view of coercion which many of the dissidents had…

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At the present hour, I am pained to express my belief that there is far more of intolerance in action from so-called protestants against Roman catholics, than from Roman catholics against protestants.

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Charity rendereth a man truly great, enlarging his mind into a vast circumference, and to a capacity nearly infinite; so that it by a general care doth reach all things, by an universal affection doth embrace and grace the world....

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Gladstone stood in the most trying of all the varied positions of his life, and without flinching he confronted it in the strong faith that the national honour as well as the assuagement (M128) of the inveterate Irish wound in the flank of…

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I have not had a chance given me of creeping from this whirlpool, for I cannot abandon a cause which is so evidently that of my fellow-men, and in which a particular part seems to be assigned to me.

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It is one of my common sayings that to me characters of the political class are the most mysterious of all I meet, so that I am obliged to travel the road of life surrounded by an immense number of judgments more or less in suspense, and…

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Without our lifting a finger, a crumbling process has begun in both the opposite parties.

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I am always inclined to consider this Theism as among the least defensible of the positions alternative to Christianity.

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But I will say this generally, that I am not so much oppressed as you appear to be, with the notion that great difficulties have been imported by the researches of scientists into the religious and theological argument.

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As to unbroken sequences in the physical order, they do not trouble me, because we have to do not with the natural but the moral order, and over this science, or as I call it natural science, does not wave her sceptre.

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One admission has to be made, that death did not come into the world by sin, namely the sin of Adam, and this sits inconveniently by the declaration of Saint Paul.

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These men and others like them disbelieved that doctrine established freedom, and they undid the work of orthodox Christianity, they swept away that appalling edifice of intolerance, tyranny, cruelty, which believers in Christ built up to…

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Liberalism if it admits these things as indifferent, surrenders its own raison d’être, and ceases to strive for an ethical cause.

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If the doctrine of Torquemada make us condone his morality, there can be no public right and no wrong, no political sin, no secular cause to die for.

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You do not work really from the principle of liberalism, but from the cognate, though distinct principles of democracy, nationality, progress, etc.

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To some extent, I fear, you will estrange valued friends, not assuredly by any expression of theological belief, but by seeming to ignore the great central problem of Christian politics.

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For my own part, I earnestly desire, subject to the paramount exigencies of the Irish question, to promote in every way the reunion of the liberal party; a desire in which I earnestly trust that you participate.

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Political suicide is not easy to a man with energy and resolution, but this was one of the rare cases.

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The glitter of the prize might have tempted a man of schoolboy ambition, but Lord Hartington was too experienced in affairs not to know that to be head of a group that held the balance was, under such equivocal circumstances, far the more…

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The ominous clouds of coercion were sailing slowly but discernibly along the horizon, and this made men in the unionist camp still more restless and uneasy.

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Sir William Harcourt, ever holding stoutly in fair weather and in foul to the party ship, thought the break-up of a great political combination to be so immense an evil, as to call for almost any sacrifices to prevent it.

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This talk about the continental war, I for one regard as pure nonsense when aimed at magnifying our estimates.

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If the Irish question rules all others, all he has to consider is whether he (properly flanked) can serve his view of the Irish question.

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Politicians like John Morley