The whole scheme of our mixed Constitution is to prevent any one of its principles from being carried as far as, taken by itself, and theoretically, it would go.
Edmund Burke
The Public Record
Edmund Burke was an Anglo-Irish writer, philosopher, and politician who is widely credited as the founder of the cultural and political philosophy of conservatism. Regarded as one of the most influential conservative thinkers and political writers of the 18th century, Burke spent the majority of his career in Great Britain and was elected as a member of Parliament (MP) from 1766 to 1794 in the House of Commons of Great Britain with the Whig Party. His writings played a significant role in influencing public views and opinions in both Great Britain and France following the French Revolution in 1789, and he remains a major figure in modern conservative circles.
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They who oppose it are bound to show that his theory militates with that fact; otherwise, their quarrel is not with his book, but with the Constitution of their country.
The theory contained in his book is not to furnish principles for making a new Constitution, but for illustrating the principles of a Constitution already made.
That medium is not such because it is found there, but it is found there because it is conformable to truth and Nature.
They suppose, indeed, a certain portion of liberty to be essential to all good government; but they infer that this liberty is to be blended into the government, to harmonize with its forms and its rules, and to be made subordinate to its…
The foundation of government (those who have read that book will recollect) is laid in a provision for our wants and in a conformity to our duties: it is to purvey for the one, it is to enforce the other.
The foundation of government is there laid, not in imaginary rights of men, (which at best is a confusion of judicial with civil principles,) but in political convenience, and in human nature,--either as that nature is universal, or as it…
All other governments are usurpations, which justify and even demand resistance.
They build their politics, not on convenience, but on truth; and they profess to conduct men to certain happiness by the assertion of their undoubted rights.
No man who assumes their grounds can tolerate the British Constitution in Church or State.
Their principles are wild and wicked; but let justice be done even to frenzy and villany.
Others, and these are the most vaunted for their spirit, not only lay down the same premises, but boldly draw the conclusions, to the destruction of our whole Constitution in Church and State.
Why, neither more nor less than this,--that the moral sentiments of some few amongst them do put some check on their savage theories.
What security is there for stopping short at all in these wild conceits?
No man can say how far he will go, who joins with those who are avowedly going to the utmost extremities.
As yet, notwithstanding the strutting and lying independence of a braggart philosophy, Nature maintains her rights, and great names have great prevalence.
But if anything bids fair for the prevention of so great a calamity, it must consist in the use of the ordinary means of just influence in society, whilst those means continue unimpaired.
What security against all this?--All human securities are liable to uncertainty.
Those who speculate on change always make a great number among people of rank and fortune, as well as amongst the low and the indigent.
They may be led to act in this manner, that they may secure some portion of their own property, and perhaps to become partakers of the spoil of their own order.
Then it is that their very attachment to wealth and importance will induce several persons of opulence to list themselves and even to take a lead with the party which they think most likely to prevail, in order to obtain to themselves…
Passion blinded him to the consequences, so far as they concerned himself; and as to the consequences with regard to others, they were no part of his consideration,--nor ever will be with those who bear any resemblance to that virtuous…
The game of ambition or resentment will be played by many of the rich and great as desperately, and with as much blindness to the consequences, as any other game.
Do we not see how lightly people treat their fortunes, when under the influence of the passion of gaming?
We see to what low and despicable passions of all kinds many men in that class are ready to sacrifice the patrimonial estates which might be perpetuated in their families with splendor, and with the fame of hereditary benefactors to…
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