Russ Feingold

I'm very pleased that the administration has made this a priority.

Most urgently, we seek a definitive end to the conflict and the gross human-rights abuses in Darfur.

We want a country that's governed responsibly, justly, democratically; a country that's at peace with itself and its neighbors, that's economically viable.

Thus far, in your public statements, you've pushed a relatively new approach toward the Government of Sudan, emphasizing engagement and incentives.

We want an inclusive and durable peace in Darfur.

Well, I'm pleased that an attempt is being made to create a real interagency strategy, but it does appear to me that the constructive-engagement approach was engaged in prior to this process being over, or being done and being ready to go.

I understand that rationale, but, of course, the concern is that the message is possibly given to Khartoum that they don't have to do much at all in order to have that kind of constructive engagement.

We're currently engaging with all relevant parties inside of Sudan to bring peace and stability to that country.

I've felt for a long time, and been saying for a long time, as you know, sir, that we needed a coordinated approach toward all of Sudan.

I'm concerned that the Pakistani military continues to remain at the forefront of the recovery efforts for internally displaced Pakistanis.

I want to state for the record that I disagree fundamentally with an amendment that became part of the Department of Defense authorization legislation last week that stated that military commissions should be the preferred forum for…

I remain concerned that the military commission process is so discredited that it may not be possible to fix it.

This approach, I believe, may be a threat to the integrity of both the military commission system and the Federal criminal justice system.

I am concerned about any suggestion that military commissions would be better because it is easier to get a conviction.

At a minimum, the presumption should be that our existing civilian and military legal systems are the proper venues for trying these cases, as is laid out in the administration's protocol.

There has been a lot of talk lately about the application of Miranda rights in the battlefield context.

Attempts to resume military commission trials would perpetuate the harmful symbolism of Guantanamo, undermining our current terrorism efforts and squandering an opportunity to demonstrate the strength of the American system of justice.

After all the money that we have spent to save the banks, it is irresponsible for Congress to let this vicious cycle continue while an obvious and cost-free solution is starting us in the face.

I applaud your efforts.

Employment verification is a very promising idea and it has tremendous potential to ensure that U.S. jobs only go to U.S. citizens and those who are legally authorized to work in the U.S.

That kind of error rate, in my opinion, makes this system unworkable.

If E-Verify becomes mandatory before these errors are fixed, millions of Americans could be misidentified as unauthorized to work, and I think that is an unacceptable result.

I'm disappointed that it's not being combined with a serious initiative to address the underdevelopment of the region.

There's now widespread consensus that transparency in contracts and revenues and expenditures is a critical ingredient to guard against corruption and conflict in natural resource management.

Senator Lugar's committee staff produced an excellent report on this, last year.