Jim Webb

And this is one of my points with respect to the involvement that I've had over the years in Vietnam.

Well, intellectually, the questions are, first of all, whether this document and the implementing legislation are basically final documents, No. 1.

I agree with Professor Steinberg that some kind of federalism is the only possible solution.

I don't take a back seat to you or anybody else when it comes to aspiring for democratic governments in that part of the world.

I am not sanguine about early progress, but what has been done in the past months and this hearing itself are important beginnings and should be continued and expanded.

We should also negotiate with the Burmese on the basis that their primary national goal of the unity of the Union is a shared goal of the United States.

I favor lifting all economic sanctions, but I also favor more robust efforts to press for economic and related governance reforms, separate from any political agenda.

The United States has no military ambitions or objectives of any kind inside the country.

I'll look forward to continuing that dialogue here on the subcommittee, as well.

What is the view of the administration with respect to the elections process, the constitution, and the potential timing of implementing legislation, and the timing of the elections following the implementing legislation?

I think there is a view that some of the problems--in fact, a substantial component of the problems that Burma faces economically--are a result of, really, tragic mismanagement of the economy by the regime.

The administration unequivocally supports the initiation of a credible dialogue among the regime, the democratic opposition, and ethnic minority groups to discuss a shared vision for Burma's future.

I think the most important thing in thinking about 2010 is not thinking about this as necessarily a first step toward--in a democratic transition, but to think about 2010 as a huge reorganization of this system that's going to throw up…

The goal of our government... ought to be to try and take this document, move it from fraud into transition.

The new constitution will provide military control, as Dr. Williams has said, over the society.

I'd like to go back to an important point that Professor Williams made, that Burma's problems began in ethnic conflict, and will continue until the underlying issues are addressed.

The major contributor to the openness that we have seen--however imperfect--in Vietnam was lifting the trade embargo.

We should, I think, as U.S. policy, not be dependent on any individual or group, however benign, on the development of our foreign policy.

Though positive change in all areas will have to come from the inside, I believe the outside world can make a difference in enabling that change and making it sustainable.

Does our State Department have indications that the NLD and other opposition groups are prepared to support the elections process?

We think that the best approach, going forward, is a process of internal dialogue.

That's something we do need to make sure that's being said as we pursue this process.

I think the United States--we prepared intensively, we laid out what our goals were and how we would want to go about a dialogue.

Sanctions also deny the legitimacy the regime is seeking desperately.

I think we shouldn't get too hung up on the process. I think the elections may or may not be free and fair. I doubt they'll be fully free and fair.