It demonstrated the folly of ninety days' enlistments.

It brought also, to every intelligent mind, the dangers that would inevitably result from disunion.

I wish no rank, pay, or expenses for myself, and will freely act without compensation.

I care not who are the field officers, so I know they are men of honor, honesty and experience.

I hope, my dear sir, this application will receive your sanction, and I will stake my reputation and property that what I offer shall be accomplished.

I ask no office, rank, pay, or expenses for myself, and will undertake to recruit this force in subordination to the state and general government, and within such limits as may be allowed.

I pledge you my reputation and all I am worth to accomplish what I offer.

I am authorized by the governor of Ohio to raise at once two regiments of infantry and a battery of artillery, and a squadron of cavalry.

They now appeal to us for help against an invasion more unjustifiable and barbarous.

The materials for soldiers abound everywhere, but without discipline, order, obedience, and severe drilling men are not soldiers.

While ready to respond to the call of their country in its actual peril, they had no purpose to become regular soldiers for life.

It appeared to me, therefore, that the manifest policy of the government should be to allow the regular army to be gradually absorbed into the volunteer service, where the young officers educated at the expense of the government might…

No better material for soldiers, and no better soldiers in fact, ever enlisted in any cause or any service.

He described with great force the weakness of the state banking system, and the repeated losses by the people of the United States on account of the failure of such banks.

He recommended two plans by either of which he held that these banks might be absorbed, and a national currency be substituted in the place of their issues.

One plan proposed the gradual withdrawal from circulation of the notes of private corporations, and the issue in their stead of United States notes, payable in coin on demand, in amounts sufficient for the useful ends of a representative…

The other proposed a system of national banks authorized to issue notes for circulation under national direction, to be secured as to prompt convertibility into coin by the pledge of United States bonds and other needful regulations.

He discussed these two plans at length, but concluded by recommending a system of national banks, the advantages of which would be uniformity in currency, uniformity in security, an effectual safeguard against depreciation, and protection…

Undoubtedly we owe to him, more than to any other individual Member, the important and radical changes made in our currency system by the act reported by him to the House and amended in the Senate.

It is not unknown to them that I have felt, nor do I wish to conceal that I now feel, a great aversion to making anything but coin a legal tender in payment of debts.

Such discrimination should, if possible, be prevented; and the provision making the notes legal tender, in a great measure at least, prevents it, by putting all citizens, in this respect, on the same level, both of rights and duties.

It is true that I came with reluctance to the conclusion that the legal tender clause is a necessity, but I came to it decidedly, and I support it earnestly.

I do not hesitate when I have made up my mind, however much regret I may feel over the necessity of the conclusion to which I come.

This security of coin payment enabled the government to sell bonds at a far higher rate than they would have commanded without it, and tended also to limit the depreciation of United States notes.

He declares, not only in his official communications here, but in his private intercourses with the members of the committee, that this clause is indispensably necessary to the security and negotiability of these demand notes.