It was not possible to pay it in coin and it was not honorable to pay it in greenbacks, especially as that could only have been done by issuing new greenbacks far beyond the volume existing during the war, and which would at once…

I advocated the shorter period, but the House of Representatives, believing that the new bonds would not sell at par unless running for a longer period, insisted that the four per cent. bonds should run for thirty years.

So far from it being in the interest of the bondholders, it was to their detriment and only in the interest of the people of the United States.

Silver and gold should be used and maintained as current money, but only on a par with each other, and this can only be done by treating the cheaper metal as subsidiary and coining it only as demanded for the use of the people.

There is no standard for paper money, except coin.

This is a plain lie, contradicted and disproved over and over again.

I had faith in the good sense and conservative tendencies of the people, and believed they would not be deluded by such fantasies and fallacies as were contained in the platform of the People's party.

The government should purchase the articles it needs, like all other purchasers, at the market price.

I gladly contributed my full share to this measure, and would do anything in my power to advance the market value of silver to its legal ratio to gold, but this can only be done in concert with other commercial nations.

To ask more seems to me unreasonable, and, if yielded to, will bring all our money to the single silver standard alone, demonetize gold and detach the United States from the standards of the great commercial nations of the world.

The unreasonable demand for the free coinage of silver has nothing to do with the reasonable demand for the increase of the volume of money required by the increase of business and population of the United States.

I would not be true to my conviction of what is best for the good of my constituents if I did not frankly and firmly stand by my opinions, whatever may be the effect upon me personally.

My greatest obligations have been to the farmers of Ohio, and I would be unworthy of their trust and confidence if I did not beseech them to stand by the financial policy which will secure them the best results for their labor and…

No nation can be independent without a diversity of industries.

A single occupation may answer for an individual, but a nation must be composed of many men of many employments.

Every nation ought to be independent of other nations in respect to all productions necessary for life and comfort that can be made at home.

We have prospered most when our industries have been best protected.

The vast variety of our manufactures, now rivaling in quantity those of countries much older than ours, is the result of protection.

Now that slavery is abolished and the south has entered upon the development of her vast natural resources, and it has been proven that our foreign commerce is greater under protective laws, there should be no opposition in any portion of…

The principle of protection should be applied impartially and fairly to all productions, whether of the workshop or the farm.

The object is to diversify employment and to protect labor, and this protection should be impartially applied without respect to the nature of the production.

All experience has established the invariable fact that domestic production, by inducing competition, in a brief period, lowers the price of all protected articles.

The policy of a nation upon economic questions should be fixed and stable.

The McKinley law, as now framed, though it may be open to criticism as to details, is a strictly protective measure, fair and just as applied to all industries, with ample provisions to secure reciprocity in the exchange of domestic…

The highest policy and the greatest good to our people lie in the full trial of this effort, to establish, upon a firm foundation, the domestic production of every article essential to American life and independence.