Prior to 1862 but little attention was given by Congress to the greatest and most important industry of mankind, that of agriculture.
John Sherman
The Public Record
John Sherman was an American politician from Ohio who served in federal office throughout the Civil War and into the late nineteenth century. A member of the Republican Party, he served in both houses of the U.S. Congress. He also served as Secretary of the Treasury and Secretary of State. Sherman sought the Republican presidential nomination three times, coming closest in 1888, but was never chosen by the party. Between 1861 and 1897, John Sherman served in the U.S. Senate for nearly 32 years and holds the record for longest serving senator from the state of Ohio.
gutenberg.org
It is sad to reflect that all these animals have been exterminated, mainly in wanton sport by hunters who did not need their flesh for food or their hides for leather or robes.
But this marvelous growth does not spring from the invigorating air and flowing springs of Colorado, but from the precious metals stored in untold quantities in her mountains.
As for myself, I intend to stick to finance, but wherever I can I will moderate the actions of the Union party, and favor conciliation and restoration.
I know he led many to believe he would agree to the civil rights bill, and nearly all who conversed with him until within a few days believed he would acquiesce in the amendments, and even aid in securing their adoption.
Besides, he is insincere; he has deceived and misled his best friends.
He may, by a coalition with copperheads and rebels, succeed, but the simple fact that nine- tenths of them who voted for him do not agree with him, and that he only controls the other tenth by power intrusted to him by the Union party…
He may varnish it up, but, after all, he must admit that he disappoints the reasonable expectations of those who intrusted him with power.
He was elected by the Union party for his openly expressed radical sentiments, and now he seeks to rend to pieces this party.
As Congress has thus far failed to provide measures to allow legal Senators and Representatives to take their seats, it has failed in a plain duty.
The civil rights bill and constitutional amendments can be defended as reasonable, moderate, and in harmony with Johnson's old position and yours.
Congress is not weak in what it has done, but in what it has failed to do.
Congress and the President are now drifting from each other into open warfare.
It is easy now to perceive that a conservative use of United States notes, convertible into four per cent. bonds, would have steadily advanced both notes and bonds to par in coin.
If irredeemable notes were a national dishonor, why did he not urge their redemption in coin at some fixed period and then reissue them, and maintain their redemption by a reserve in coin?
If it shall not be speedily adopted and rigidly, but judiciously, enforced, severe financial troubles are in store for us.
The Greenback party, as it was called, grew out of this policy of contraction, and for a time threatened to carry the election of a majority of the Members of Congress.
The result of this policy of contraction was not only to increase the burden of the public debt, but it created serious derangement of the business of the country.
His primary object was to convert United States notes into interest-bearing bonds, and thus force the immediate resumption of specie payments or the substitution of national bank notes for United States notes.
It not only compelled the United States to pay the large war rates of interest for many years, but postponed specie payments until 1879.
Now, nearly thirty years after the passage of this act, it is manifest that it was far the most injurious and expensive financial measure ever enacted by Congress.
I believe that if the Secretary of the Treasury would do nothing in the world except simply sit in his chair, meet the accruing indebtedness, and issue his treasury warrants, this debt will take care of itself, and will fund itself at four…
The difference between us is that I anticipate that the future of this country will be hopeful, buoyant, joyous.
He may think it to his interest to retire the whole of the seven-thirties or the ten-forties; but is it wise for us to give him that power now, at the heel of the war and before things have settled down?
I do not think it is necessary, in our present financial condition, to authorize him to go into market now and sell bonds at current market rates with a view to pay debts that do not mature for a year or two.
Politicians like John Sherman
