All concessions, all attempts to remonstrate, seem at an end.

If Major Anderson can hold out till relieved and supported by steam frigates, South Carolina will find herself unable to control her commerce, and will feel, for the first time in her existence, that she can't do as she pleases. . . .

Don't for God's sake subject yourself to any slur, reproach, or indignity.

To surround with the military array, to demand surrender, and enforce the departure of the garrison, was an act of war.

You may assert that in no event will I forego my allegiance to the United States as long as a single state is true to the old constitution. . . .

The Union Esto perpetua." Recent events foreshadow a great change, and it becomes all men to choose.

If Louisiana withdraw from the federal Union, I prefer to maintain my allegiance to the old constitution as long as a fragment of it survives, and my longer stay here would be wrong in every sense of the word.

I regard the seizure by Governor Moore of the United States arsenal as the worst act yet committed in the present revolution.

You should not alienate such states as Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri.

My notice is that this war will ruin all politicians, and that military leaders will direct the events.

It is war to surround Anderson with batteries, and it is shilly-shally for the south to cry 'Hands off!

While maintaining the high, strong ground you do, I would not advise you to interpose an objection to securing concessions to the middle and moderate states, --Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee and Missouri.

You cannot regret more than I do the necessity which deprives us of your services, and you will bear with you the respect, confidence, and admiration of all who have been associated with you.

The people in the south are evidently unanimous in the opinion that slavery is endangered by the current of events, and it is useless to attempt to alter that opinion.

In the trial of this impeachment I wished to be, and I think I was, absolutely impartial.

I liked the President personally and harbored against him none of the prejudice and animosity of some others.

I knew he was bold and rash, better fitted for the storms of political life than the grave responsibilities of the chief magistrate of a great country.

Still, his mind was vigorous and his body strong, and when thoroughly aroused he was an able speaker; his language was forcible and apt and his influence over a popular audience was effective.

I resolutely made up my mind, so far as human nature would admit, to fairly hear and impartially consider all the evidence produced and all the arguments made.

This cause must be decided upon the reasons and presumptions which by law apply to all other criminal accusations.

Justice is blind to the official station of the respondent, and to the attitude of the accusers speaking in the name of all the people of the United States.

It only demands of the Senate the application to this cause of the principles and safeguards provided for every human being accused of crime.

For the proper application of these principles we ourselves are on trial before the bar of public opinion.

The novelty of this proceeding, the historical character of the trial, and the grave interests involved, only deepen the obligation of the special oath we have taken to do impartial justice according to the constitution and laws.

God forbid that any other shall prevail here.