No man should be allowed to hold a seat in either House of Congress whose election was secured by crimes such as are depicted here.

Surely a citizen of the United States has as much right in any one of the states as he would have in a foreign land, however remote or however powerful its government may be.

Protection at home in the secure enjoyment of the rights of person and property is the foundation of all human government, without which its forms are a mockery and with which mere forms of government become a matter of indifference.

Protection goes with allegiance, and allegiance ceases to be a duty when protection is denied.

I believe that the investigation, while it led to no important measure, had a good effect, not only in Danville, but throughout the south.

The problem of the two races living together in the same community with equal political rights is a difficult one, and has come to be regarded by men of all parties as one that can only be settled by each state or community for itself.

It is impossible for a government like ours, with limited powers, to undertake the protection of life and property in any of the states except where resistance is made to national authority.

All the signs indicate that a better feeling now exists between the two races, and their common interests will lead both to divide on questions of public policy, without regard to race or color.

The advocates of a strict construction of the constitution voted for it in spite of their theories.

Yet, in spite of this, Congress has repeatedly refused to allow notes to be issued by national banks, to the par value of bonds deposited on security, thus limiting the amount of bank notes unreasonably.

The Senate is properly a very conservative body, and never yields a custom until it is demonstrated to be an abuse.

It was apparent that the temporary panic grew out of the reckless and criminal conduct of a few men and not from defects in the national bank system or the clearing house.

It seems to me that all these facts taken together show the strength and confidence that may well be reposed in the national banking system.

The law cannot entirely prevent fraud and crime, but it has guarded the public from the results of such offense far better than any previous system.

And for what in his life he did for us, let there be lasting memory.

Believing that the convention, when it meets, should be free, uninstructed, and in shape to do the very best thing for the whole party, I have counseled by friends to that end.

A united and enthusiastic party is more important than one man, and hence I am for bending every energy to the first purpose, and am not a candidate.

It is one of the curious customs of American politics that when anybody is nominated for office, his competitors are the first to be called upon to vouch for the wisdom of the choice.

I will support the nomination of Blaine and Logan as heartily as I have done those of Fremont and Lincoln and Grant and Hayes and Garfield.

And this I would do, fellow-citizens, even if they were less worthy than I know them to be of the distinguished honor proposed for them.

I have no patience with any man who, for himself or any other person, would take his chances for success in a political convention, and when disappointed would seek to thwart the action of the convention.

Political conventions are indispensable in a republican government, for it is only by such agencies, that opposing theories can be brought to the popular judgment.

You have to meet the same forces and principles that opposed the Union army in war; that opposed the abolition of slavery; that sought to impair the public credit; that resisted the resumption of specie payment.

They are the active spirits, native and naturalized, of a generation of free men who never felt the incubus of slavery, and who wish only as Americans to make stronger and plant deeper the principles of the Republican party.

I worked hard that winter, for hard work, I thought, was the way to fortune.