John Sherman

What I contend for is that the lawmaking power shall be authorized to make the distinction between innocent and harmful amusements and the places and habits of life which eventually lead to intemperance, vice and crime.

I have seen in the villages of France the young people dancing gayly, with all the animation of youth and innocence, while the old people, looking on, were chatting and joking and drinking their native wines, and I could see no wrong in…

I have seen on the banks of the Rhine, and in Berlin, old and young men, women, children of all conditions of social life, listening to music, playing their games and drinking their beer, doing no wrong and meaning none.

It is in this that the danger lies, for the law ought never to interfere with social happiness and innocent enjoyments.

If certain social enjoyments are prolific of vice and crime they must give way, or submit to restraints or taxation.

In a republic the personal liberty of the citizen to do what he wishes should not be restricted, except when it is clear that it is for the interest of the public at large.

And the only answer is, wherever the general good will be promoted by the surrender.

The only question is, where is the boundary between rights reserved and those given up?

We surrender some of our natural rights for the security of the rest.

The Republican party is stronger when it is aggressive.

I believed in a policy that would protect our own laborers from undue competition with foreign labor, and would increase and develop our home industries.

I was in favor of a law imposing a large tax on all dealers in liquor, which would tend to prevent its use.

Touching on the liquor question, I said that many of our young men were brought to disgrace and crime by indulgence in intoxicating liquors, and I therefore believed in regulating the evil.

I favored the proper observance of the Sabbath day, claiming that it was a day of rest and should not be desecrated, but each congregation and each citizen should be at liberty to observe it in any way, consistent with good order and…

If it is desired now to show our virtuous indignation against card-playing, to single out this tax, which probably yields but three or four thousand dollars a year-- to show our virtuous indignation against people who play cards and…

There is no sentiment in this country stronger now than that Congress has neglected its duty thus far in not repealing taxes that are obnoxious to the people and unnecessary for the public uses; and if we should still neglect that duty we…

If this Congress shall adjourn, whether the weather be hot or cold, without a reduction of the taxes now imposed upon the people, it will have been derelict in its highest duty.

The only mitigation of my desire for a prompt revision of the tariff is the confidence I have that delay and discussion will make the sectional revolution more thorough and universal, and leave the tariff question a purely business and not…

I prophesy that then we will have a strange mingling of political elements, and a striking evidence of the changes of interest and principle on this subject in different parts of the country, caused by the revolution of the industry of our…

We agree that the tariff should be revised and the taxes be reduced.

I think, then, and I submit it to the good, cool sense and judgment of my friend from Kentucky, that the better way is as early as possible to organize a commission; let it be constituted, as I have no doubt the President will take care to…

Therefore, the idea of waiting for the committees of Congress to act, is preposterous in my judgment.

We are not restrained by any sense of duty, we have the right to take advantage of our improved credit, of our advanced credit, and make the best bargain we can for the people of the United States, and the doctrine is not 'let well enough…

Let Congress do now what it proposed to do last year, offer to the people a three per cent. bond.

If I did not sometimes change my mind I should consider myself a blockhead or a fool.