The south had, by reconstruction, been practically restored to political power, and the body of the negroes had been substantially disfranchised, though legally entitled to the suffrage.

Organized mobs and violence had deterred many from voting, and in some cases had prevented even the semblance of a free election.

In the heated state of political feeling in those states, it was a matter of grave doubt whether the count of the vote might not result in violence, tumult or war.

Whatever opinions may be expressed as to the correctness of the findings of the returning board, there can be no doubt that its proceedings were open, fair and impartial.

To guard the purity of the ballot; to protect the citizen in the free and peaceful exercise of his right to vote; to secure him against violence, intimidation, outrage, and especially murder, when he attempts to perform his duty, should be…

If political success shall be attained by such violent and terrible means as were resorted to in many parishes in Louisiana, complaint should not be made if the votes thus obtained are denounced by judicial tribunals and all honest men as…

The means adopted are almost incredible, but were fearfully effective upon an ignorant and superstitious people.

That you would have received at a fair election a large majority in Louisiana, no honest man can question; that you did not receive a majority is equally clear.

They can see that the intimidation, as organized, was with a view of throwing out Republican parishes rather than endangering Democratic parishes.

A fair election would have given us about forty electoral votes at the south--at least that many.

But we are not to allow our friends to defeat one outrage and fraud by another.

New converts are proverbially bitter and unfair towards those they have recently left.

Even had they not, differences of opinion between the Executive, bound by an oath to the strict performance of his duties, and writers and debaters must have arisen.

It is not necessarily evidence of blunder on the part of the Executive because there are these differences of views.

History shows that no administration, from the time of Washington to the present, has been free from these mistakes.

But I leave comparison to history, claiming only that I have acted in every instance from a conscientious desire to do what was right, constitutional within the law, and for the very best interests of the whole people.

Failures have been errors of judgment, not of intent.

It was adopted by both Houses and voted for by a great majority, but, believing that it was extra constitutional, I, with other Republicans, did not vote for it.

I believe the Vice President alone has the constitutional power to count the votes and declare the result.

Everything in the nature of a contest as to electoral votes is an affair of the states.

Therefore it is not right, in my judgment, for Congress to interfere.

I deem it a happy augury that the President's choice of members of his cabinet has fallen upon men who have made their mark as statesmen, and whose advent to power will, I feel convinced, inaugurate an era of prosperity for our country.

With yourself at the head of the treasury department, there is no fear of public credit being shaken and commercial interests imperiled by crude and experimental legislation.

The public policy of the United States to resume specie payments on or before the 1st of January, 1879, is fully established by the law and by public opinion.

I worked hard that winter, for hard work, I thought, was the way to fortune.