Thoughtful men who reverenced the safeguard known to civil judicial proceedings were appalled.
De Alexander
The Public Record
De Alva Stanwood Alexander was an American journalist, lawyer, historian, and member of the United States House of Representatives, serving seven terms from 1897 to 1911 as a representative of New York state.
And is it not needed when its taking helps us and hurts our enemy?
This Administration cannot now save this Union, if it would.
This reckless claim amazed his friends as much as it aroused his enemies, and he at once became the object of most cutting reproaches.
His lightest word, sent thrilling to the rim of a vast audience, swayed it with the magic of control.
Indeed, he went a step farther in the way of irreconciliation, preferring Hoffman and Tammany, he said, to "the reckless, red-radicalism which rules the present Congress....
It is not the bondholder, it is the office holder who sucks the blood of the people.
It cared nothing for the Democratic party except as it contributed to its selfish ends.
Gross and unfounded charges of fraud are made by them against those high in authority.
Thus far Conkling's success had been as unexpected as it was dazzling.
Against these acts the Democrats vigorously protested, declaring them unconstitutional, revolutionary, and another step toward centralisation, while Republicans pointed out their necessity in the interest of a fair vote and an honest count.
But Tilden, conscious of the need of an anti-Tweed legislature, had surmised the Ring's plan as early as Tweed devised it, and he replied with firmness that everything beside the legislative ticket was of minor importance to him.
Let us agree to put contentions aside and complete our task.
He used to get angry with men simply because they voted against him on questions in which he took an interest.
Enlightened and persuasive discussion of the negro problem in its present phases and aspects.
This usurpation by one committee of powers that had been exercised by another, caused the liveliest indignation.
The trouble between England and America had grown out of the need for a continental revenue and the lack of a continental government with taxing power--a weakness experienced throughout the Revolution and under the Confederation.
You cannot present those returns in any form that will not give more legality to Packard as Governor than to Hayes as President.
People say this man assumes all the virtues of reform in an office which he has gained by the simple repudiation of the ladder that lifted him.
I have no faith in a President whose only distinct act is ingratitude to the men who voted for him and to the party which gave him its fealty.
That celebrated reformatory order was factional in its intent, made in the interests of envious and presuming little men.
Nevertheless, the Provincial Congress, whose members had been trained by harsh experience to be stubborn in defence and sturdy in defiance, declined to assume the responsibility of forming such a government as the Continental Congress…
These men passed into history in companies, but each left behind his own trail of light.
Where danger called, or civic duties demanded prudence and profound sagacity, this band of patriots appeared in council and in the camp, ready to answer to the roll-call of their country, and by voice and vote set the pace which achieved…
The absence of violent democratic innovations was the Constitution's remarkable feature.





