Political Quotes

Josiah Quincy

The Public Record

Josiah Quincy III was an American educator and political figure. He was a member of the U.S. House of Representatives (1805–1813), mayor of Boston (1823–1828), and President of Harvard University (1829–1845). The historic Quincy Market in downtown Boston is named in his honor. A panel of 69 scholars in 1993 ranked him among the ten best mayors in American history.

I had spent the greatest part of my life in the service of the whole nation, and had been honored by their highest trust; my duty of fidelity, of affection, and of gratitude, to the whole, was not merely inseparable from, but identical…

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Adams replied: "I well know this; but labor I shall not refuse so long as my hands, my eyes, and my brain, do not desert me.

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He dismissed from office, without trial, without charge, and without fault, faithful and able men.

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Adams remarked: "He has all the contracted prejudices of that political sect; his whole system of government is comprised in the maxim of leaving money in the pockets of the people.

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I adhere to the right of petition; and let me say here that, let the petition be, as the gentleman from Virginia has stated, from free negroes, prostitutes, as he supposes,--for he says there is one put on this paper, and he infers that…

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There is no absolute monarch on earth who is not compelled, by the constitution of his country, to receive the petitions of his people, whosoever they may be.

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It prolongs life itself, and enlarges the sphere of existence.

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The seeds of this complicated machine were all sown in the Declaration of Independence; and their fruits can never be eradicated but by the dissolution of the Union.

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Can you wonder that they shrink from the light of free discussion--that they skulk from the grasp of freedom and of truth?

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That the direct and infallible path to the Presidency is military service, coupled with demagogue policy. 2d.

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That it has exposed in broad day the overruling influence of the institution of domestic slavery upon the history and policy of the Union.

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If we were bound to do it, we were bound to do it avowedly and above-board.

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A single breath blew all his mock-judicial array into air and smoke.

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But, if we go to war, what must be the effect of the peace that follows?

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The power of the present Congress to enact laws essential to the welfare of the people has been struck with apoplexy by the executive hand.

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The question raised by Martin Luther involved the whole theory of the rights of individual man, paramount to all human authority.

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No man can be surprised that such a cause was swept away by a moral and political whirlwind; that it carried with it all the institutions of civil society, so that its march was a wild desolation.

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But the first principles of morals and politics, which have long been settled, acquire the authority of self-evident truths, which, when first discussed, may have been vehemently and portentously contested.

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Have we not tamely submitted for years to the daily violation of the freedom of the post-office and of the press by a committee of seal-breakers?

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If there is a Bostonian who ever sailed from his own harbor for distant lands, or returned to it from them, without feelings, at the sight of the Blue Hills, which he is unable to express, his heart is differently constituted from mine.

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I am determined to get my own living, and to be dependent upon no one.

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With a tolerable share of common sense, I hope, in America, to be independent and free.

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These have been, through life, perpetual admonitions to do nothing unworthy of it.

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Politicians like Josiah Quincy