George F. Hoar

I think he hoped that there might be a union or coalition of the Democrats and Labor men in the Presidential election of 1880, and that in that way he would be elected President.

The one thing he had done in life of which he was very proud and which was of most importance, was bringing about the nomination of Abraham Lincoln at Chicago.

I thought it would be an excellent opportunity to confer an honor upon a worthy colored man in the presence of a representative of this Royal House.

I was the first person who ever invited a colored man to take the Chair in the Senate.

I advised them to nominate Lynch, urging that it would be impossible for the Southern colored people, whatever their preference might be as a candidate for the Presidency, to vote against one of their own color.

Perhaps, on the whole, the ablest of the colored men who served with me in Congress, although each of the gentlemen I have named deserves high commendation, was John R.

When the Chinese matter was up, he stated in a few words that he could not, when he recalled the history of his own race, consent to vote for any measure which discriminated against any man by reason of his race or color.

But let what was best in him, after all, be remembered, even if we do not forget his great faults.

I suppose the worst examples of all low political leadership were the Pelhams, the Duke of Newcastle and his brother; yet without them, Lord Chatham's glorious career would have been unknown to the history of English liberty.

Sometimes a political leader in New York who had got power by forbidden ways, has used it for the good of the Republic.

The history of New York, on the whole, has been a noble history.

I am tempted to quote this powerful invective for its literary excellence, and not for its justice.

No doubt, among her millions, she has many wise and good, but the day when they begin to impress any fit influence of theirs upon her counsels, will open a new chapter in the annals of New York.

Why, these leaders of the opposite parties, who--in the papers and before the world--seem ready to tear each other's eyes out, will meet some rainy night in a dark entry, and agree, whichever way the election goes, they will share the…

When the bad element was in power, the noble State has reminded me of Tennyson's eagle caught by the talons in carrion, unable to fly or soar.

The spirits of good and evil politics have striven with one another in New York from the beginning of her history as Jacob and Esau strove together in the womb.

He was a man of great wisdom, who understood well the importance to the Republican Party of avoiding a breach with the powerful Senator from New York.

It would have been infamous for Garfield to yield to the demand.

Nothing could be more preposterous or insolent than the demand of a Senator from any State that a President just elected, who had received the support of the people of that State, should ostracize his own supporters.

That a Senator of the United States should vacate his own office because he could not control Executive patronage was a proceeding not likely to be regarded with much respect by the American people.

He was unrelenting in his enmities, and at any time was willing to sacrifice to them his party and the interests of the country.

But he was unfit to be the leader of a great party, and was sure, if he were trusted with power, to bring it to destruction.

His speech nominating Grant at the National Convention of 1880 was one of very great power.

To be, and not to seem, was this man's wisdom.

He was absolutely simple, modest, courteous and without pretence.