In so doing they have exceeded their just authority, and have proposed a candidate whom no Northern Whig is bound to support.

HE IS NOT A WHIG, when tried by the standard of our party organization.

HE IS NOT A WHIG, if judged by the opinions he entertains upon questions of public policy.

Upon the great questions of currency and Finance, of Internal Improvements, of Protection to American Industry, so far from agreeing with the Whigs, he has distinctly avowed that he has formed no opinion at all.

HE IS NOT A WHIG, if measured by the higher standard of principle, to which the Whigs of Massachusetts and of the North have pledged themselves solemnly, deliberately, and often.

He is not opposed to the extension of Slavery over new territories, acquired, and to be acquired, by the United States.

He is a Slave-holder, and has been selected because he could command votes which no Whig from the free States could receive.

The Whigs of Massachusetts, by their Legislature, and in their popular assemblies, have resolved, that opposition to the extension of Slavery is a fundamental article in their political faith.

They have spoken with scorn and upbraiding of those Northern Democrats who would sacrifice the rights and interests of the Free States upon the altar of party subserviency.

The event proved him a much stronger candidate than I had supposed, and his subsequent career in the Department of State, I believe, satisfied a majority of his countrymen that he would have made an able and discreet President.

In 1888 there was a very strong, almost irresistible feeling among Republicans in the country that Blaine should be put in nomination again, although he had peremptorily and publicly refused to be a candidate.

To nominate him would be to go back to the early habit of placing the greatest and wisest statesmen of the country in its highest offices.

And I thought also that the office of a Senator from Massachusetts would be more agreeable to me, and better adapted to my capacity than that of the President of the United States.

I thought I ought not, for a mere empty honor to myself, to permit such an injury to be inflicted upon him, although I confess I did not then think his nomination likely.

Allison, setting forth what I thought were the qualities that would make him a popular candidate, and would make him an able and wise President.

If it had gone on, New York, Illinois, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, Iowa, California, and perhaps Missouri, would have cast their votes unanimously for Allison, and his nomination would have been sure.

I think no other person ever came so near the Presidency of the United States, and missed it.

I had become very intimate with him, and had learned to respect him highly as a very able, upright and wise man, although he developed, as President, an ability which I think his most intimate friends had not known before.

He was a wise, pure, upright and able President, and an eloquent orator, capable of uttering great truths in a great way, and able to bring them home to the understanding and conviction of his countrymen.

If a man travelled three thousand miles across the continent to say something to President Harrison, he would find himself broken in upon two minutes after the conversation began with a lecture in which the views in opposition to his were…

While his hand was on the helm she would keep the course of safety, of honor, of glory, of prosperity, of republican liberty.

It is a lesson which many of them learn very late in life, that many a good cause has been jeopardized or lost by this infirmity of men who are leaders on the righteous side.

It is very kind of you to take note of my work in the campaign, and I value very highly what you say of it--though your friendship has perhaps, in some degree, spoiled your judgment.

I never appear before an audience that I am not deeply moved by the demonstrations of the affectionate interest of my home people.

He has fallen at the very gate of an honorable and eminent career, and a thousand hopes are buried in his grave.