George F. Hoar

It is absurd now to say that we will not negotiate but will appropriate the whole subject-matter of negotiation.

Now that we have achieved all and more than our object, let us simply keep our word.

Our declaration of war upon Spain was accompanied by a solemn and deliberate definition of our purpose.

We should set example in these respects, not follow in the selfish and vulgar greed for territory which Europe has inherited from mediaeval times.

No place for colonial administration or government of subject people in American system.

Will receive in compensation no outlet for American labor in labor market already overcrowded and cheap; no area for homes for American citizens; climate and social conditions demoralizing to character of American youth; new and disturbing…

It will make necessary a navy equal to largest of powers; a greatly increased military establishment; immense sums for fortifications and harbors; multiply occasions for dangerous complications with foreign nations, and increase burdens of…

Policy proposed introduces us into European politics and the entangling alliances against which Washington and all American statemen have protested.

To do so would be to reverse accepted continental policy of the country, declared and acted upon throughout our history.

We were to hold and govern in subjection the people of the Philippine Islands.

After the unhappy conflict of arms the solution of the problem seemed to be to compel the Philippine people to unconditional submission.

I have never attributed publicly, or in my own heart, to President McKinley any but the most conscientious desire to do his duty in what, as the case seems to me, was an entire change of purpose.

The President returned to Washington, undoubtedly in the honest belief that the country demanded that he acquire the Philippine Islands, and that Congress should govern them.

I do not think we should acquire Cuba, as the result of the existing war, to be annexed to the United States.

I do not agree with those gentlemen who think we would wrest the Philippine Islands from Spain and take charge of them ourselves.

We have no right in law or morals to usurp that which belongs to another, whether it is property or power.

Power, it must be remembered, which is secured by oppression or usurpation or by any form of injustice is soon dethroned.

It must rest upon the free consent of the governed and all of the governed.

The Government of the people must be by the people and not by a few of the people.

Human rights and constitutional privileges must not be forgotten in the race for wealth and commercial supremacy.

Forcible annexation, according to our American code of morals, would be criminal aggression.

I told President McKinley that I favored then, as I always had, the acquisition of Hawaii.

I was obliged to notify Japan that no compulsory measures upon Hawaii, in behalf of the Japan Government, would be tolerated by this country.

If something be not done, there will be before long another Revolution, and Japan will get control.

Under these circumstances the question of duty came to me: Will you adhere to the purpose long formed, and vote for the acquisition of Hawaii solely on its own merit?