No matter what our sympathy, what the extent of our desires, we must look at the fact.
Charles Sumner
The Public Record
Charles Sumner was an American lawyer and statesman who represented Massachusetts in the United States Senate from 1851 until his death in 1874. Before and during the American Civil War, he was a leading American advocate for the abolition of slavery, and after the war he was a key figure in the Reconstruction era, during which he and other Radical Republicans successfully fought to end slavery and ensure basic rights for Black Americans. He continued advocating for racial equality until his death, lobbying in his final days for a civil rights bill that served as a model for the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Historians credit Sumner with coining the phrase "equality before the law," which he first used as part of an early attempt to integrate Boston's public school system.
The fact cannot be invented or imagined; it must be proved.
There is a rule of conduct which they must follow, subject always to just accountability where they depart from it.
The more I reflect upon the actual condition of Spain, the more I am satisfied that the true rule for us is non-intervention, except in the way of good offices.
Enough of war have we had, without heedlessly assuming another; enough has our commerce been driven from the ocean, without heedlessly arousing another enemy; enough of taxation are we compelled to bear, without adding another mountain.
As the true course of Spain is clear, so to my mind is the true course of the United States equally clear.
A governor from Europe, nominated by a crown, is a constant witness against these fundamental principles.
The day of European colonies has passed,--at least in this hemisphere, where the rights of man were first proclaimed and self-government first organized.
Nor can the enlightened mind fail to see that the Spanish power on this island is an anachronism.
Cuba must be saved from its bloody delirium, or little will be left for the final conqueror.
For myself, I cannot doubt, that, in the interest of both parties, Cuba and Spain, and in the interest of humanity also, the contest should be closed.
Nor must the case of Cuba be confounded for a moment with our wicked Rebellion, having for its object the dismemberment of a Republic, to found a new power with Slavery as its vaunted corner-stone.
These are serious questions, which can be answered properly only by putting aside all passion and prejudice of empire, and calmly confronting the actual condition of things.
At all events, is victory over a colony contending for independence worth the blood and treasure it will cost?
Unwelcome as it may be to that famous Castilian pride which has played so lofty a part in modern Europe, Spain must not refuse to see the case in its true light; nor can she close her eyes to the lesson of history.
Following these plain principles, we should be open so that foreign nations shall know our sentiments, and in such way that even where there is a difference there shall be no just cause for offence.
Filled with the might of peace, the sympathy we extend will have a persuasive power.
Still in the right hand carry gentle peace,” and there is nothing we cannot do.
In our foreign relations there are with me two cardinal principles, which I have no hesitation to avow at all times: first, peace with all the world; and, secondly, sympathy with all struggling for Human Rights.
In the terrible furnace of war they were joined together, nor can they be separated until the rights of both are fixed beyond change.
Even in the uncertainty of the future it is easy to see that the national freedman and the national creditor have a common fortune.
Here is no fixed exclusion,--nothing of which there can be any just complaint,--nothing, which is not practical, wise, humane,--nothing which is not born of justice rather than victory.
Who can object, if men recently arrayed against their country are told to stand aside yet a little longer, until all are secure in their rights?
I will not be outdone by anybody in clemency; nor at the proper time will I be behind any one in opening all doors of office and trust.
For myself, I see nothing more practical, at this moment, than, first, at all points to oppose the Democracy, and, secondly, to insist that yet awhile longer ex-Rebels shall be excused from copartnership in government.





