In refusing it such a place, I do not deny popular rights, but uphold them, I do not restrain popular rights, but extend them.

And, Sir, to this conclusion you must yet come, unless deaf, not only to the admonitions of political justice, but also to the genius of our Constitution, under which, when properly interpreted, no valid claim for Slavery can be set up…

Nothing can come out of nothing; and there is absolutely nothing in the Constitution out of which Slavery can be derived, while there are provisions, which, when properly interpreted, make its existence anywhere within the exclusive…

The offensive provision in the bill is in its form a legislative anomaly, utterly wanting the natural directness and simplicity of an honest transaction.

It does not undertake openly to repeal the old Prohibition of Slavery, but seems to mince the matter, as if conscious of the swindle.

President, men are wisely presumed to intend the natural consequences of their conduct, and to seek what their acts seem to promote.

Now the Nebraska Bill, on its very face, openly clears the way for Slavery, and it is not wrong to presume that its originators intended the natural consequences of such an act, and sought in this way to extend Slavery.

The populous North, stung by sense of outrage, and inspired by a noble cause, are pouring into the debatable land, and promise soon to establish a supremacy of numbers there, involving, of course, a just supremacy of Freedom.

What could not be accomplished peaceably was to be accomplished forcibly.

All efforts are now applied to the dismal work of forcing Slavery upon Free Soil.

In flagrant derogation of the very Popular Sovereignty whose name helped to impose this bill upon the country, the atrocious object is distinctly avowed.

Slavery is forcibly introduced into Kansas, and placed under formal safeguard of pretended law.

Whether regarded in mass or detail, in origin or result, it is all blackness, illumined by nothing from itself, but only by the heroism of the undaunted men and women whom it environed.

A plain statement of facts is a picture of direst truth, which faithful History will preserve in its darkest gallery.

And let me add, that all this testimony finds echo in the very statute-book of the conspirators, and also in language dropped from the President of the United States.

Next to this Presidential admission must be placed details of invasions, which I now present as not only “illegal and reprehensible,” but also unquestionable evidence of the resulting Crime.

The first ballot-box that was opened upon our virgin soil was closed to us by overpowering numbers and impending force.

They came upon us, not in the guise of voters, to steal away our franchise, but boldly and openly, to snatch it with a strong hand.

Here was an outrage at which the coolest blood of patriotism boils.

The ballot-boxes had been violated, and a Legislature installed, which proceeded to carry out the conspiracy of the invaders; but the good people of the Territory, born to Freedom, and educated as American citizens, showed no signs of…

A citizen of Kansas, by the name of Dow, was murdered by a partisan of Slavery, in the name of “law and order.” Such an outrage naturally aroused indignation and provoked threats.

The professors of “law and order” allowed the murderer to escape, and, still further to illustrate the irony of the name they assumed, seized the friend of the murdered man, whose few neighbors soon rallied for his rescue.

With these invaders was the Governor, who by this act levied war upon the people he was sent to protect.

I do not dwell on the heroism by which it was encountered, or the mean retreat to which it was compelled; for that is not necessary in exhibiting the Crime which you are to judge.

Let us at all hazards prevent the extension of Slavery and the increase of the Slave Power.