From a humane, just, and religious people will spring a Public Opinion to keep perpetual guard over the liberties of all within our borders.

Nay, more, like the flaming sword of the cherubim at the gates of Paradise, turning on every side, it shall prevent any SLAVE-HUNTER from ever setting foot in this Commonwealth.

Elsewhere he may pursue his human prey, employ his congenial bloodhounds, and exult in his successful game; but into Massachusetts he must not come.

Not with whips and thongs would I scourge him from the land.

The contempt, the indignation, the abhorrence of the community shall be our weapons of offence.

Wherever he moves, he shall find no house to receive him, no table spread to nourish him, no welcome to cheer him.

The feelings with which we regard the Slave-Hunter will be extended soon to all the mercenary agents and heartless minions, who, without any positive obligation of law, become part of his pack.

I have dwelt thus long upon the Fugitive Slave Bill especially in the hope of contributing something to that Public Opinion which is destined in the Free States to be the truest defence of the slave.

God, Nature, and all the holy sentiments of the heart repudiate any such false seeming settlement.

Amidst the shifts and changes of party, our DUTIES remain, pointing the way to action.

It is, then, in the light of duties that we are to find peace for our country and ourselves.

Nor can any settlement promise peace which is not in harmony with those everlasting principles from which our duties spring.

It is the source of unnumbered woes,--not the least of which is its influence on the Slaveholder himself, rendering him insensible to its outrage.

Language toils in vain to picture the wretchedness and wickedness which it sanctions and perpetuates.

Reason revolts at the impious assumption that man can hold property in man.

As it is our perpetual duty to oppose wrong, so must we oppose Slavery; nor can we ever relax in this opposition, so long as the giant evil continues anywhere within the sphere of our influence.

Especially must we oppose it, wherever we are responsible for its existence, or in any way parties to it.

The Slavery which exists under other governments, as in Russia or Turkey, or in other States of our Union, as in Virginia and Carolina, we can oppose only through the influence of morals and religion, without in any way invoking the…

The moralist and philanthropist must become for this purpose politicians,--not forgetting morals or philanthropy, but seeking to apply them practically in the laws of the land.

And since we at the North are responsible for Slavery, wherever it exists under the jurisdiction of Congress, it is unpardonable in us not to exert every power we possess to enlist Congress against it.

We demand the Abolition of the Domestic Slave-Trade, so far as it can be constitutionally reached, but particularly on the high seas under the National Flag.

And, generally, we demand from the National Government the exercise of all constitutional power to relieve itself from responsibility for Slavery.

In demanding the overthrow of the Slave Power, we but seek to exclude from the operations of the National Government a political influence, having its origin in Slavery, which has been more potent, sinister, and mischievous than any other…

This Power, though unknown to the Constitution, and existing in defiance of its true spirit, now predominates over Congress, gives the tone to its proceedings, seeks to control all our public affairs, and humbles both the great political…

Let us at all hazards prevent the extension of Slavery and the increase of the Slave Power.