It makes him despise all those that are lower than himself in regard to Caste, which is not the design of God.
Charles Sumner
The Public Record
Charles Sumner was an American lawyer and statesman who represented Massachusetts in the United States Senate from 1851 until his death in 1874. Before and during the American Civil War, he was a leading American advocate for the abolition of slavery, and after the war he was a key figure in the Reconstruction era, during which he and other Radical Republicans successfully fought to end slavery and ensure basic rights for Black Americans. He continued advocating for racial equality until his death, lobbying in his final days for a civil rights bill that served as a model for the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Historians credit Sumner with coining the phrase "equality before the law," which he first used as part of an early attempt to integrate Boston's public school system.
Yes, we regard Caste as part and parcel of idolatry, and of all heathen abominations, because it is in many ways contrary to God's Word, and directly contrary to God himself.
But the words Caste and Equality are contradictory.
Where Caste is, there cannot be Equality; where Equality is, there cannot be Caste.
But this distinction can furnish no ground for any discrimination before the law.
We abjure nobility of all kinds; but here is a nobility of the skin.
We abjure all hereditary distinctions; but here is an hereditary distinction, founded, not on the merit of the ancestor, but on his color.
We abjure all privileges of birth; but here is a privilege which depends solely on the accident whether an ancestor is black or white.
We abjure all inequality before the law; but here is an inequality which touches not an individual, but a race.
We revolt at the relation of Caste; but here is a Caste which is established under a Constitution declaring that all men are born equal.
The stream cannot rise higher than the fountain-head; and if there be nothing in these elevated sources from which this power can spring, it must be considered a nullity.
From them no person will imply a power to defeat a cardinal principle of the Constitution.
It is absurd to suppose that the Committee in general charge and superintendence of schools, and in determining the number and qualifications of scholars, may engraft upon the schools a principle of inequality, not only unknown to the…
In the exercise of these powers they cannot put colored children to personal inconvenience greater than that of white children.
Still further, they cannot brand a whole race with the stigma of inferiority and degradation, constituting them a Caste.
They cannot in any way violate that fundamental right of all citizens, Equality before the Law.
To suppose that they can do this would place the Committee above the Constitution.
It would enable them, in the exercise of a brief and local authority, to draw a fatal circle, within which the Constitution cannot enter,--nay, where the very Bill of Rights becomes a dead letter.
The fact that a child is black, or that he is white, cannot of itself be a qualification or a disqualification.
Not to the skin can we look for the criterion of fitness.
Without questioning that they are intrusted with a discretion, it is outrageous to suppose that their discretion can go to this extent.
The Committee can have no discretion which is not in harmony with the Constitution and Laws.
Surely they cannot, in any mere discretion, nullify a sacred and dear-bought principle of Human Plights expressly guarantied by the Constitution.
And this is not what the Committee or any other body of men think reasonable, but what is reasonable in the eye of the Law.
Let us at all hazards prevent the extension of Slavery and the increase of the Slave Power.





