He makes his onslaught absolutely without one tittle of evidence.

In other days, when this Chamber was filled with intolerant slave-masters, I was told that I did not support the Constitution, as I have been told to-day by the Senator, and I was reminded of my oath.

In reply I borrowed the language of Andrew Jackson, and announced, that, often as I had taken that oath, I had taken it always to support the Constitution as I understood it; and it is so now.

I have not taken an oath to support the Constitution as the Senator from Wisconsin understands it, without its animating soul.

The oath of the Senator from Wisconsin was different; and there, Sir, is the precise divergence between us.

He swore, but on his conscience was a soulless text.

I am glad that my conscience felt that there was something more.

The Senator must hesitate before he assaults me again for any failure in devotion to the Constitution.

I put my life against the life of the Senator; I put my little service, humble as it is, against the service of the Senator; I put every word uttered by me in this Chamber or elsewhere against all that has been said by the Senator,--and…

If I have inclined in favor of Human Rights, if I have at all times insisted that the National Constitution shall be interpreted always so that Human Rights shall find the greatest favor, I have committed no error.

In the judgment of the Senator I may have erred, but I know that in the judgment of the American people I have not erred; and here I put myself upon the country to be tried.

There is a famous saying that comes to us from the last century, that the whole object of government in England--of King, Lords, and Commons--is to bring twelve men into a jury-box.

Sumner declared his purpose to vote for the Bill as amended,--that it was now elevated and consecrated, and that whoever voted against it must take the responsibility of opposing a great measure for the assurance of Equal Rights.

PRESIDENT, I understand that in my absence, and without any notice to me from any quarter, the Senate have adopted an emasculated Civil Rights Bill, with at least two essential safeguards wanting,--one concerning the Common Schools, and…

The original bill contains both, and more; and I now ask the Senate, most solemnly, to consider whether, while decreeing equal rights for all in the land, they will say that those equal rights shall not prevail in the common school and in…

The spirit of Caste will receive new sanction in the education of children; justice will find a new impediment in the jury.

I ask the Senate to set its face against the spirit of Caste now prevailing in the common schools, against the injustice now installed in the jury.

Why not, then, apply it throughout, so that hereafter there shall be no question?

For, Sir, be well assured, there is but one way of settling this great cause, and that is by conceding these equal rights.

I ask, Sir, that this terrible strife be brought to an end, and the cause settled forever.

But this cannot be, except by the establishment of equal rights absolutely and completely wherever the law can reach.

Make, I entreat you, the Declaration of Independence in its principles and promises a living letter; make it a practical reality.

Why will you not, with better justice, decree a similar removal of disabilities from those who have never injured you?

Why will you not accord to the colored race the same amnesty you offer to former Rebels?

Therefore, Sir, do I insist that Amnesty shall not become a law, unless at the same time the Equal Rights of All are secured.