But is it not vain to seek this boon from one whose Presidential pretensions are so demoralizing?
Charles Sumner
The Public Record
Charles Sumner was an American lawyer and statesman who represented Massachusetts in the United States Senate from 1851 until his death in 1874. Before and during the American Civil War, he was a leading American advocate for the abolition of slavery, and after the war he was a key figure in the Reconstruction era, during which he and other Radical Republicans successfully fought to end slavery and ensure basic rights for Black Americans. He continued advocating for racial equality until his death, lobbying in his final days for a civil rights bill that served as a model for the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Historians credit Sumner with coining the phrase "equality before the law," which he first used as part of an early attempt to integrate Boston's public school system.
But how expect any such change from one who will not allow the Presidential office to be secured against its worst temptation?
The country desires an example for the youth of the land, where intelligence shall blend with character, and both be elevated by a constant sense of duty with unselfish devotion to the public weal.
But how accord this place to a President who makes his great office a plaything and perquisite, while his highest industry is in quarrelling?
Since Sancho Panza at Barataria, no Governor has provided so well for his relations at the expense of his country; and if any other has made Cabinet appointments the return for personal favors, his name has dropped out of history.
A man is known by his acts; so also by the company he keeps.
Therefore, for the sake of reform and purity, which are a longing of the people, and also that the Chief Magistrate may be an example, we must seek a remedy.
If he treats his trust as plaything and perquisite, why may not every office-holder do the same?
If he disregards Constitution and Law in the pursuit of personal objects, how can we expect a just subordination from others?
If he sets up pretensions without number repugnant to republican institutions, must not the good cause suffer?
If he is stubborn, obstinate, and perverse, are not stubbornness, obstinacy, and perversity commended for imitation?
If he insults and wrongs associates in official trust, who is safe from the malignant influence having its propulsion from the Executive Mansion?
If he fraternizes with jobbers and Hessians, where is the limit to the demoralization that must ensue?
Necessarily the public service takes its character from its elected chief, and the whole country reflects the President.
But a bad example must be corrected as a bad law.
Not without earnest effort against the betrayal can I suffer its ideas and principles to be lost in the personal pretensions of one man.
Higher than party are country and the duty to save it from Cæsar.
The Caucus is at last understood as a political engine moved by wire-pullers, and it becomes more insupportable in proportion as directed to personal ends.
Here, too, are wire-pullers; and when the great Office-Holder and the great Office-Seeker are one and the same, it is easy to see how naturally the engine responds to the central touch.
A National Convention which is a Presidential ring cannot represent the Republican Party.
Much rather would I see the party to which I am dedicated, under the image of a life-boat not to be sunk by wind or wave.
But I do fear a quarrelsome pilot, unused to the sea, but pretentious in command, who occupies himself in loading aboard his own unserviceable relations and personal patrons, while he drives away the experienced seamen who know the craft…
Not without anxiety do I wait, but with the earnest hope that the Convention will bring the Republican Party into ancient harmony, saving it especially from the suicidal folly of an issue on the personal pretensions of one man.
It is true that I am the friend of your race, and I am glad to be assured that in your opinion I have held a consistent course in the Senate and elsewhere as the special advocate of your rights.
I know your infinite wrongs, and feel for them as my own.





