Relative magnitude creates no distinction of right; relative imbecility, whether permanent or casual, gives no additional right to the more powerful neighbor; and any advantage seized upon that ground is mere usurpation.
Charles Sumner
The Public Record
Charles Sumner was an American lawyer and statesman who represented Massachusetts in the United States Senate from 1851 until his death in 1874. Before and during the American Civil War, he was a leading American advocate for the abolition of slavery, and after the war he was a key figure in the Reconstruction era, during which he and other Radical Republicans successfully fought to end slavery and ensure basic rights for Black Americans. He continued advocating for racial equality until his death, lobbying in his final days for a civil rights bill that served as a model for the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Historians credit Sumner with coining the phrase "equality before the law," which he first used as part of an early attempt to integrate Boston's public school system.
Nations, being sovereign or independent of each other, treat together on a footing of complete equality.
The most feeble state has the same political rights as the strongest.
The natural equality of states is the necessary companion of their independence,--that primitive cardinal right upon which the science of International Law is mainly built.… They are entitled, in their intercourse with other states, to all…
Nations are equal in respect to each other, and entitled to claim equal consideration for their rights, whatever may be their relative dimensions or strength, or however greatly they may differ in government, religion, or manners.
In both respects the Admiral did what he would not have done to a powerful nation, what he would not have done to any white nation, and what we should never allow any nation to do to us.
Think you that we should have done this thing to England, France, or Spain?
Think you that any foreign power could have done it to us?
But if right in us toward Hayti, it would be right in us toward England, France, or Spain; and it would be right in any foreign power toward us.
If it were right in us toward Hayti, then might England, France, Spain, or Hayti herself do the same to us.
But just in proportion as we condemn any foreign fleet, including the Haytian Navy, doing this thing, do we condemn ourselves.
The great principle of the Equality of Nations was openly set at nought.
To extenuate this plain outrage, I have heard it said, that, in our relations with Hayti, we are not bound by the same rules of conduct applicable to other nations.
But at last the black man has obtained Equal Rights; and so, I insist, has the Black Republic.
Thus, by Act of Congress and the appointment of a Minister, have we recognized the Equal Rights of Hayti in the Family of Nations, and placed the Black Republic under the safeguard of that great axiom of International Law which makes it…
Thus is the Black Republic enrolled as an equal; and yet have we struck at this equality.
How often have I pleaded that all men are equal before the Law!
And now I plead that all nations are equal before the Law, without distinction of color.
Armed intervention consists in threatened or actual force, employed or to be employed by one state in regulating or determining the conduct or affairs of another.
To vindicate these things, whether in Dominica or in Hayti, you must discard all acknowledged principles of International Law, and join those who, regardless of rights, rely upon arms.
The same spirit which set at defiance great principles of International Law, installing force instead, is equally manifest in disregard of the Constitution of the United States; and here one of its most distinctive principles is struck…
By the Constitution it is solemnly announced that to Congress is given the power “to declare war.” This allotment of power was made only after much consideration, and in obedience to those popular rights consecrated by the American…
In England, and in all other monarchies at the time, this power was the exclusive prerogative of the Crown, so that war was justly called “the last reason of kings.” The framers of our Constitution naturally refused to vest this kingly…
The One-Man Power was set aside, and this kingly prerogative placed under the safeguard of the people, as represented in that highest form of national life, an Act of Congress.
Not Congress alone, without the President, can declare war; nor can the President alone, without Congress.





